Friday, March 17, 2006

Bohemain Grove—Cremation of Care Ceremony























Bohemain Grove—Cremation of Care Ceremony


The Sire

Bohemians, by the power of our fellowship,
Dull care is slain.
Hearken!
High up the hill you may hear Care’s funeral music.

[Tolling of the bell and faint, far strains of the funeral dirge (DENKE). Torches are glimpsed in the distance. Music and light approach.]

The Sire
Behold, the effigy of this, our enemy, is carried hither for our ancient rites.

[Music ceases.drumbeat accompanies the descent of cortege. The cortege passes through the dinning circle and down the main isle as the Band and the effigy of Care proceed down the road to the floor of the Grove. When the torch bearers are leaving the dining circle, followed by the Old Guard.]

The Sire announces
Bohemians, follow to Bohemia’s Shrine!





[The band resumes the funeral dirge ( Denke ). The band turns into the traffic road, where it continues to play; the spectators pass to their seats opposite the shrine, through the two columns of the Torch Bearers who flank the path to Edwards Road.The shrine is bathed in the soft, flickering light from the lamp of fellowship. The radiance of the rising full moon touches the crown of Hamadryad’s tree. 0ffstage chorus of woodland voices. The Hamadryad emerges from the bark. Music by Jan Philip Schirhan and W.J. McCoy]




The HAMADRYAD singing


Beauty, and strength and peace,
They are yours; they shall never cease
While the trees are, and the hills.
The stars come in with the night,
And the wind, like a presence, fills
The temple-aisles of the wood;
It is yours, it is good,
It is made for your delight.
Beauty, and strength and peace,
They are here that you find release
From the mournful memories
Oh, cast your grief to the fire.
And be strong with the holy trees
And the spirit of the Grove.
In your dreams you shall rove
To the land of Hearts Desire. ( Sterling )



[the Hamadryad retires into the tree.The illumination fades. The shrine is now in full moonlight.Enter, accompanied by the music of Charles Hart, the High Priest, Assisting Priests, and choristers.]



The High Priest


The owl is in his leafy temple; let all within the Grove be reverent before him.

Lift up your heads, O ye Trees, and be ye lift up, ye ever-living spires.
For behold, here is Bohemia’s Shrine and holy are the pillars of this house.
Weaving spiders, come not here!

[The High Priest descends to the water’s edge.]

Hail Bohemians!

With ripple of waters and the song of birds.
Such music as inspires the sinking soul.
Do we invite you to Midsummer’s joy!

The sky above is blue and sown with stars;
The forest floor is heaped
with fragrant drift;
Evenings cool kiss is yours,
The campfire’s glow,

The birth of joyous rosy- fingered dawns!
Shake of all your sorrows with
the City’s dust
And scatter to the winds the cares of life!



Second Priest


Let memory bring back the well-loved names
Of gallant friends who knew and loved this Grove.
Dear boon companions of long ago!



Third Priest


Aye! They shall join us in this ritual
And not a place be empty in our midst!



The High Priest


O Beauty’s vassals
Who keep, in this gray autumn of the world,
Her springtime in your hearts,
I charge ye all:
For lasting happiness we lift our eyes
To one alone, and she surrounds you now,
Great Nature, refuge for the weary heart
And only balm for breasts that have been bruised,
Her counsels are most wise.
But ye must come
As children, little children that believe,
Nor ever doubt her beauty or her faith,
Nor dream her tenderness can change or die! ( STERLING )



[Soft music by Edward Harris as the High Priest ascends to be invested.]




Second Priest


Gather , Ye forest fold, and cast your spells
Over these mortals.



Third Priest


Touch their world-blind eyes with fairy unguents.



Second Priest


Open their eyes of fancy
And seal the gates of sorrow.



Third Priest


Dull Care and all his works are but a dream;
As vanished Babylon and goodly Tyre
So they shall vanish.



Second Priest


But the wilding rose
Blows on the broken battlements of Tyre
And mosses rend the stones of Babylon-



Third Priest


For Beauty is eternal and we bow
to Beauty everlasting! ( irwin )



The High Priest


Our funeral pyre awaits the corpse of Care.



[The Barcarolle by Charles Hart. The introductory horn solo comes from the direction of the ferry slip. The ferry of Care, poled by a lone boatman, appears and passes up the lake to the foot of the shrine. Acolytes await the barge.]




The High Priest:


Oh thou, thus ferried ‘cross the shadowy tide
In all the ancient majesty of death

Dull Care, arch-enemy of Beauty; not for thee
The tender tribute and the restful grave,
But fire shall have its will of thee

And all the winds make merry with thy dust! ( sterling )
Bring fire!



[Fanfare of music by Leigh Harline. Enter the torch bearers.The Acolytes now seize and lift the beir from the barge, hold it high above their heads and bear it in triumph up to the pyre, accompanied by the choristers. The music is interrupted by the peals of thunder and rush of wind. The ensemble stands transfixed with surprise and awe. All lights down, except torches and the lamp.Care laughs upon the hill. The dead tree is illuminated.]




THE VOICE OF CARE


Fools! Fools! Fools!
When will ye learn that me ye cannot slay?
Year after year ye burn me in this Grove, lifting your silly shouts of triumph to the stars.
But when again ye turn your feet toward the market-place, am I not waiting for you, as of old?
Fools! Fools! Fools!

To dream ye conquer Care!


[The High Priest has come down to the lake’s edge and stands gazing up at the ghostly tree from which the voice of Care has come.]


The High Priest


Nay, thou mocking spirit, it is not all a dream.
We know thou waitest for us when this our sylvan holiday shall end.
And we shall meet and fight thee as of old,
and some of us prevail against thee,
and some thou shalt destroy.
But this, too, we know: year after year, within this happy Grove,
our fellowship has banned thee for a space, and thy malevolence
that would pursue us here has lost its power beneath these friendly trees.
So shall we burn thee once again this night and in the flames
that eat thine effigy we’ll read the sign:
Midsummer set us free.



THE VOICE OF CARE


So shall ye burn me once again! Ho, Ho,
Not with these flames which hither ye have brought.
From regions where I reign!
Ye priests and fools!
I spit upon your fire!


[Explosions at the Pyre. The torches are instantly extinguished. No light save from the lamp.Care’s laughter fills the darkness.The High Priest kneels and lifts his arm to the shrine.]




The High Priest


O thou, great symbol of all mortal wisdom, Owl of Bohemia, we do beseech thee,

Grant us thy counsel!

[The music of Fire Finale begins, offstage. An aura of light begins to glow about the Owl’s head, gradually silhouetting the colossus.]




THE VOICE OF THE OWL


No fire, if it be kindled from the world

Where Care is nourished on the hates of men
Shall drive him from this Grove.

One flame alone

Must light this pyre, the pure eternal flame
That burns within the Lamp
of Fellowship
Upon the altar of Bohemia. ( GARTHWAITE )

[High Priest rises and ascends to Lamp of Fellowship]



The High Priest


Great Owl of Bohemia, we thank thee for thy adjuration.

[lights torch and turns toward Pyre.]

Well should we know our living flame
Of Fellowship can sear
The grasping claws of Care,
Throttle his impious screams
And send his cowering carcass
From this Grove.
Begone, detested Care, begone!
Once more we banish thee!
Let the all potent spirit of this lamp
By its cleansing and ambient fire
Encircle the mystic scene
Hail Fellowship; begone Dull Care!
Once again Midsummer sets us free!

Friday, March 10, 2006

[1] Behind The Throne























[1] Behind The Throne

an excerpt from:
Behind The Throne
Paul H Emden 1934
Hodder & Stoughton
320 pages – First Edition – Out-of-print
-----
BARON STOCKMAR

ROUGHLY a hundred and twenty years ago, round about the time of the Vienna Congress, the utmost that anyone outside Germany knew of Coburg was that it was the capital of the Duchy of Saxe-Coburg (-Saalfeld; Gotha was not added till later), one of the many petty German States, only a few square miles in extent. Circumstances and possibilities in this tiny country were so limited that a capable young man, whether a member of the princely house or a commoner, who wanted to do something, or become somebody, had to leave the country and enter foreign service. Thus Prince Josias, after fighting against the Turks and then, not quite so successfully, against the Armies of the French Revolution, had attained the rank of Field Marshal in the Austrian Army. This was the prize and the bravura-piece of the dynasty and of the country.

But barely a generation later much more information was available about Coburg. There were even people, whose opinion counted, who thought that it was too well known, that it had made itself far too well known, and that it would not be at all a bad thing if one or other of the Coburg people had remained at home. One sat on Belgium's new Throne, after having narrowly escaped becoming King of Greece; another occupied the Portuguese Throne; and in Brazil the wife of the Emperor was a Coburger. Two of the young Princes were sons-in-law of the King of France, whose daughter, again, had married a Coburger. And by the side of England's Throne stood a Coburger as Prince Consort.

In the next generation, Coburg was the Ruling House in England, a Coburger was Empress of Germany, and a branch reigned in Bulgaria.

This all followed an entirely 'peaceful conquest.' There had been no revolutionary happenings nor great events. No battles had been fought nor campaigns won. The Coburgers — cool and thoughtful men, who brought order and system into everything which they undertook — were clever enough to recognise the limits of their own abilities, and they took a manager. Resourceful, always behind the scenes and never in the glaring light of the stage, this curious man, who was not a statesman and had not studied diplomacy, went forward step by step, systematically and pedantically. The rise of the House of Coburg from historical darkness to the centre of European history, out of small circumstances to prestige and power, is due to the work and the merits of one man — Dr. Stockman

The history of Stockmar, his life, his position, are unique; his influence on the leading men of his time and on events enormous. And yet must we not to-day — just as sixty years ago, when, ten years after his death, people began to think of him — ask the same question, 'Who was Stockmar?' Reputation does not always follow merit, and it is true of this man, too, that his contemporaries hardly knew him, and posterity knows little about him. It was his wish to stand in the shadows and 'mener une existence anonyme et souterraine' — lead in battle but himself remain invisible. At the same time he was fully aware of his worth and his importance, was not without vanity, and was thoroughly convinced of the great value of his advice. It is said of him that he had something like dread of publicity, and had avoided renown. Too much humility is sometimes nothing but a kind of pride.

Who was Stockmar? This little German country doctor, who in himself had nothing which could in any way be called romantic, became, surely by a romantic fate, a man of outstanding personality who was on the most confidential footing with most of the European Sovereigns of his time, knew all their secrets and weaknesses, and could exercise such a strong influence at the English Court that the Ministers of the Early Victorian Age had to reckon with him, the 'most kind, eccentric, infallible, and unfathomable German who for twenty years had no small share in governing us.'


Charlotte, the daughter and only child of George IV, was a charming young lady, and her royal father's daughter; hence her (short) life was very exciting. But, apart from this 'past,' she had a future which in fact was to prove illusory: she was the heiress to the English Throne. First she wanted to marry the Prince of Orange; then she took an interest in the Prussian Prince Augustus and had secret meetings with him; and finally began an extensive flirtation with a certain Captain Hess. The fourth runner in this race was Leopold of Coburg, who had small chance of being 'placed.' Although George IV, at the time still Prince Regent, was not particularly qualified to play the guardian of morals and good manners, yet he made intensive use of paternal right and kingly power, and locked Charlotte up in Windsor. The Princes of Orange and Prussia, as well as the commoner Hess' vanished, were gone, and dropped out of the race. The Coburger had won in a canter, and his faithfulness found its well-deserved reward: together with the hand of the merry Charlotte he obtained the claim to be allowed at some future date to be the husband, of a Queen of England.

The household of the young couple was set up in Claremont, and the small Court included, as personal doctor of the Prince, a fellow-countryman whom he had brought with him from Coburg — Christian Friedrich Stockman

The existence of the latter had until then been colourless and uneventful. After the Public School education usual in the world of officials, he visited the small Universities of Jena, Erlangen, and Wuerzburg to study medicine. Many years later Stockmar writes of those days: 'If was a clever stroke, to have originally studied medicine; without the knowledge thus acquired, without the psychological and physiological experiences which I thus obtained, my savoir-faire would often have gone a-begging.' Quite decidedly Stockmar had retained all the advantages, but also all the disadvantages, of the medical man of those days for his future activities, which were to be so very different. He could quickly recognise a complicated situation and make a diagnosis; still more quickly he had a remedy at hand — the only one which in his view could be used and which was of infallible effect.

In Claremont he was bored, and the more so because the other members of the Court looked down with a certain contempt on the plebeian foreign doctor. He occupied his free time in studying English history and English Constitutional questions, and in writing down painfully accurate character-studies of all persons whom he saw at the Court. Thus he says of Wellington that he was fond at table of whispering rather doubtful stories to Princess Charlotte; that she showed appreciation of them and laughed heartily is no more surprising than the fact that Wellington told them.

With the Prince and Princess, Stockmar was on the best of terms. The merry Charlotte liked her 'Stocky,' and had much fun with him, for he, in spite of his weak health and an inclination to hypochondria, would yet at times be very merry and gay. The marriage which, after so many handicaps, had really turned out quite well, found his full approval, and with a touch of humour he wrote in his diary: 'My master is the best of all husbands in all the five quarters of the globe; and his wife bears him an amount of love, the greatness of which can only be compared with the English national debt.' By the side of the dutiful and virtuous man whom Stockmar called his 'glorious master, a manly prince and princely man,' Charlotte had changed, much to her advantage; if formerly she had kicked over the traces, this was perhaps due only to her former surroundings and the bad example which she saw in her parents. She herself once declared to Stockmar: 'My mother was bad, but she would not have become as bad as she was if my father had not been infinitely worse.'

The nation at this time had no reason to look up to its Rulers with particular respect. George III was blind and practically mad, and the Prince Regent was as his daughter described him. In addition, times were quite particularly bad. After the Napoleonic wars, trade was at a deadlock in all its branches, unemployment had reached critical proportions, and in some industrial towns there had been noisy gatherings and riots. All hopes of better times concentrated on Charlotte, the heiress to the Throne, and her popularity grew still more when it became known that in Claremont a child might be expected which would one day rule over England in succession to its mother. The extraordinary interest which the nation took in this child is shown by an entry in Stockmar's diary: 'Bets for enormous sums have long been made on the sex of the expected child, and it has been already calculated on the Stock Exchange that a Princess would only raise the funds 21 per cent, whilst a Prince would send them up 6 per cent. In order to obtain sure intelligence respecting the condition of the Princess as soon as possible, the Ambassadors of the highest Powers have paid me, the poor doctor, the most friendly and obliging visits.'

But the visits were paid in vain, and things turned out very differently.

Stockmar was the physician of the Prince, not the Physician-in-Ordinary of the Princess, although he might have become so if he had tried. Thus he had nothing to do with Charlotte's confinement, and could refuse to interfere in any way during the months of pregnancy. In addition to the Physician-in-Ordinary, Dr. Baillie, Sir Richard Croft was called. in as specialist. Stockmar has written with regard to those months: 'I can only thank God that I never allowed myself to be blinded by vanity, but always kept in view the danger that must necessarily accrue to me if I arrogantly and imprudently pushed myself into a place in which a foreigner could never expect to reap honour, but possibly plenty of blame. I knew the hidden rocks too well, and knew that the national pride and contempt for foreigners would accord no share of honour to me if the result were favourable, and, in an unfavourable issue, would heap all the blame on me. As I had before at various times, when the physician was not at hand, prescribed for the Princess, these considerations induced me to explain to the Prince that, from the commencement of her pregnancy, I must decline all and any share in the treatment'; and later, 'When I recall all the circumstances, I feel but too vividly the greatness of the danger which I escaped.'

Assuredly Stockmar had escaped from a great danger. Very coolly, very logically, he had considered and decided. There could thus be no question of a Doctor's Dilemma for him; at the crossroads he had decided for the dangerless path, which could carry no kind of responsibility with it. The future politician had considered discretion as the better part of valour; but whether the then physician acted correctly is another question.

The Ministers, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the great Dignitaries of State, had gathered at Claremont to await the birth of the young heir to the Throne, but a dead boy was born. Five hours later Charlotte was dead too.

As to these hours, decisive for the English Reigning House and for the House of Coburg, the diary relates that Croft came to Stockmar to inform him that the Princess was dangerously ill, and that he ought to prepare the Prince for the worst. He insisted that Stockmar should look after the patient. 'I hesitated, but at last I went with him. . . . Baillie said to her, "There comes an old friend of yours." She stretched out her left hand eagerly to me, and pressed mine twice vehemently. . . . Baillie kept giving her wine constantly. She said to me, "They have made me tipsy." . . . I had just left the room when she called out loudly, "Stocky! Stocky!" '

The task of telling the Prince of her death fell to Stockmar. 'I did so in no very definite words. He thought she was not yet dead, and on his way to her room he sank into a chair. I knelt by him; he thought it must be a dream; he could not believe it. He sent me once more to see about her; I came back and told him it was all over. Then we went to the chamber of death; kneeling by the bed, he kissed her cold hands, and then, raising himself up, he pressed me to him and said, "I am now quite desolate. Promise me always to sit with me." I promised.'

Stockmar kept this promise: no Prince could have had in his service a more unselfish friend, nor one who might more justly have said of himself, 'I seem to be here to care more for others than for myself, and am well content with this destiny.' But, for both, fate and history had great things in store.

Fate was unkind to Sir Richard Croft, with whom Stockmar kept in touch after the unlucky confinement. 'My mind is at present in a sad state. May God grant that neither you nor any connected with you may suffer what I do at this moment,' wrote Sir Richard, who could not forget the terrible hours at Claremont, or bear the responsibility which Stockmar had evaded. Croft's condition grew into a state of deepest anxiety and excitement bordering on insanity, so that he lost all command of himself. At the next difficult confinement which Sir Richard had to attend he became quite beside himself. In the room adjoining the sick-room he found a pistol. With this he shot himself. The patient was safely confined.

'Poor Croft,' exclaims Stockmar in his diary.

Leopold's English dream was finished, but the first step into the great world was taken, et c'est toujours le premier pas qui coute. Leopold, the pacemaker for Coburg, had Claremont, a very ample annuity which Parliament had granted him, and he had Stockman He could afford to wait.

But the two Coburgers had longer to wait than they had expected before new possibilities dawned on the political or any other horizon. The long stay in Claremont was agreeably interrupted by journeys to France, Italy, and Germany, and Stockmar made good use of the time by not only continuing his studies of history and the English Constitution, but also by getting married. True it is that during the next twenty years he was not to see too much of his new family, for Stockmar exercised his profession ambulando. His position as doctor had given place to a more extensive one at the Court of the Prince; he looked after Leopold's private affairs as Secretary, became Keeper of the Privy Purse and Comptroller of the Household. Occupying this purely Court office, he had not long to wait for a Coburg title, and soon after was raised to the nobility.

The little doctor to an unimportant Princeling had now grown into the Chief Court Official and intimate confidant of a great gentleman. He became acquainted with the social and political life of England, and met many important and influential men. Insight into many things was gained, and the outlook broadened. And the opportunity to make use of the experience thus obtained arrived in due course: Leopold was offered the Throne of Greece, and there he intended — but other Princely Houses had the same intention — to set up a Coburg Dynasty.

It was at this time that the Romantics of all nations united, and believed it was possible to restore the ancient Hellenic glory by a new Renaissance. Byron was drawn to its 'Land of lost gods and godlike men,' and Wolfgang Mueller, the father of the German-English-Sanscrit Max Mueller who was to play his part in the posthumous Life of Stockmar, sang his Greek songs, 'Without thee, 0 Hellas, what would the world be!'

Complicated and many-sided negotiations took place, which on Leopold's side were conducted by Stockmar and his brother Charles,' and on the Greek side by Kapodistrias. Further European candidates appeared, a European game of intrigues began, Leopold-Stockmar made conditions which the European Powers refused to accept. Aberdeen wrote to Leopold, 'The Powers have no intention whatever of negotiating with Your R.H. They expect a simple acceptance of their proposal, and would consider a conditional acceptance as a virtual refusal.' Stockmar was not prepared to advise his master to accept unconditionally, and thus the offer was finally refused. It is not quite clear what the Coburgers really wanted, nor is there any evidence that they seriously intended to exchange Claremont for the neighbourhood of the Acropolis. Perhaps they feared the Greeks, especially when they offered Crowns. Nor did Stockmar distinguish himself by his diplomacy. George IV was heartily amused by the attempt, and gave Leopold the nickname of 'Marquis Peu-a-Peu'; Europe looked upon him as an irresolute intriguer. Further, it must have been difficult for Leopold to arrive at a decision, for in the background there was always the possibility that, for lack of grown-up heirs, or of any heirs at all, he might be called to the Regency of England. True it is that Stockmar denies quite vigorously that his final advice to refuse was influenced by this possibility, but such views very often come post hoc. However this may be, the affair with Greece had fallen through, and, when it had fallen through, Stockmar blamed his master because he had not followed his advice.

Here we notice for the first time Stockmar's quality, which increased with the years, of looking upon his advice and upon himself as a 'display of oracular wisdom'; what he said was infallibly right; what he advised must lead to success. If his 'patients' — the practice of this former physician will yet be considerably extended, and he will write prescriptions for half Europe — do not strictly obey his instructions, he is always ready with his unpleasant 'I told you so.'

The stages 'England' and 'Greece' were over. But as it is well known not only that 'opportunity makes desire,' but also that 'opportunities, like eggs, come one at a time,' just a year later another possibility dawned: Leopold was to become King of Belgium.

The Belgian Provinces had risen against Dutch Dominion, had declared themselves independent, and were now looking for a Ruler. Why should not a German Prince, who had felt in himself the ability first to become a good Englishman, then a good Greek, now also think himself capable of becoming a good Belgian? From the start Leopold had good expectations; competition was small, and, above all things, Europe could easily agree upon him, as everyone was willing that the little Dynasty of Coburg, which, at that time, occupied no European Throne apart from the home one, should have this little rise, and no one was jealous. Leopold could be sure of the consent of England and of Germany; thanks to his military past in Russia, the Empire of the Tsars was also for him. France raised objections, and Count Sebastiani threatened, 'Si SaxeCoburg met un pied en Belgique, nous lui tirerons des coups de canon' ('If Saxe-Coburg puts one foot into Belgium we shall fire our guns on him'). In order to overcome this obstacle, the cautious widower discovered in time his love for a daughter of the French King. (Louis-Philippe, the father-in-law, was very glad, after the Revolution and the loss of his throne, to find an asylum with his family in Claremont.)

The novelty in the formation of Belgium, the rise of a purely Constitutional State opposed to the reactionary Continental Europe, attracted Leopold and Stockmar. Extensive negotiations between the Belgian statesmen, the candidate to the Throne, and the European Cabinets made this problem, which in any case was not too simple, more and more complicated, till finally it became as complicated as later on the Schleswig-Holstein question, of which Palmerston had once said, 'Only two men really understood it. One of them, Prince Albert, is dead. I am the other — and I have forgotten all about it.' Stockmar was the right man to throw himself into such negotiations, to think of everything and to forget nothing. His influence on events grew steadily. Leopold, sitting still in Marlborough House and waiting and doing nothing without Stockmar, who had already hastened to Belgium, once wrote to him, 'My dear Stockmar, read the Constitution and give me your opinion.' Stockmar read, studied, wrote one memorandum after the other, and had already considered how the Court should be arranged -that a 'Lutheran Chapel is indispensable. People say, "We don't ask whether he is a Lutheran, but we ask whether he goes to his own Church in his own way." ' Stockmar was able during these extensive and difficult negotiations never to drop out of the role of the agent intime. He never in any way touched, in the slightest degree, the departments of the official Belgian diplomats.

The Belgian question was settled, and, in spite of serious reverses at the start, was settled finally. A political work had arisen which was on a firm foundation, and stood so well that even the Great War, which in fact became a world war for the sake of Belgian neutrality, could not injure it. Within the meaning of the Coburg ambitions and within the meaning of the cautious Stockmar, the new State had come into being. Leopold could enter Brussels. Coburg had arrived.

pps. 21-31

=====

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

BARON CHRISTIAN FRIEDRICH VON STOCKMAR
(TM COBURG MARRIAGES)

1787 Stockmar born in Coburg, August 22nd.

1790 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg born.

1796 Charlotte, d. of the Prince Regent (George IV) born.

1805-10 Stockmar student of medicine.

1816 Marriage of Leopold of Saxe-Coburg and Princess Charlotte.
Stockmar's arrival in Claremont.

1817 Charlotte died.

1818 Marriages of the Dukes of Cambridge, Clarence and Kent.

1819 Victoria, d. of the Duke of Kent, born May 24th.
Albert of Saxe-Coburg, born August 26th.

1821 Stockmar receives Saxon nobility.
Stockmar's marriage with his cousin Fanny Sommer.

1829-30 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg's candidature for the Greek Throne.

1831 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg King of the Belgians.
Stockmar raised to the rank of Baron in Bavaria.

1832 Marriage of King Leopold and Louise of Orleans, d. of King Louis Philippe. (Their grandson was Albert, the late King of the Belgians.)

1834-36 Stockmar mainly in Coburg.

1836 Stockmar's preparations for the accession of Princess Victoria.
Albert of Saxe-Coburg's first visit in England.
Marriage of Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg and Maria da Gloria, Queen of Portugal. (Among their great- grandsons are Manoel, the last King of Portugal, and Carol, the present King of Roumania.)

1837 Victoria's majority, May 24th.
Stockmar's arrival in England, May 25th.
Queen Victoria's accession, June 20th.

1837-38 Stockmar Private Secretary to Queen Victoria.

1838 Stockmar and Prince Albert in Italy.

1839 Marriage of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert of Saxe- Coburg.

1840 Stockmar raised to the rank of Baron in Austria.
Princess Royal (Empress Frederick) born.
Marriage of Victoria of Saxe-Coburg and the Duc de Nemours, son of King Louis Philippe.

1840-47 The Spanish marriages.

1841 Prince of Wales (King Edward VII) born.

1842 King Frederick William IV of Prussia in England.
Marriage of Prince Augustus of Saxe-Coburg and Clementine of Orleans, d. of King Louis Philippe. (Their son is King Ferdinand of Bulgaria, father of the present King Boris.)

1843 Marriage of Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg and Maria Clementine, d. of King Louis Philippe.

1847 Queen Maria of Portugal appeals to Queen Victoria for protection.

1848 Revolution in Prussia.
Prince William (Emperor William I) refugee in England.
Stockmar Deputy for Coburg at German Diet.

1854 Popular suspicion of Prince Albert.

1857 Prince Albert receives title of Prince Consort.
Stockmar's final departure from England.

1858 Marriage of the Princess Royal and Prince Frederick of Prussia (Emperor Frederick III).
Stockmar in Berlin and Potsdam.

1860 Queen Victoria and Prince Consort visit Stockmar in Coburg.

1861 Prince Consort died, December 14th.

1863 Stockmar died, July 9th.

1872 Stockmar's memoirs published: Germany, May; England, November.

pps.82-83

Thursday, March 09, 2006

[6] The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask

















[6] The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask


The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask

Paul Winkler
Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943
New York
381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print
-----

CHAPTER VII
PRUSSO-TEUTONIA-ALIAS NAZILAND

AFTER JANUARY 30, 1933, every one of Hitler's decisions, without exception, accorded with Junker interests. No act of his can be found which in the slightest degree harmed these interests. From the moment he took the reins of power no one ever spoke of the Osthilfe scandal again (although previously it had often been stirred up by Nazi Deputies in the Reichstag) or of "colonization" on Junker land. The different antiJunker slogans of early Nazism were definitely buried by Hitler. The Junkers and Hindenburg breathed a sigh of relief.

This business disposed of work began in earnest on the Prusso-Teutonic scheme.

The entire plan carried out by Hitler corresponded point by point with Prusso-Teutonic intentions. The details are well known. Decree-laws gave Hitler dictatorial powers all along the line. This meant the end of what still survived of the representative system and individual liberties in Germany. These transformations had been planned for. It was only the methods of accomplishing them that were original and bore the Hitlerian stamp. The burning of the Reichstag on February 27, 1933, was arranged to make people believe that the Communists were responsible for it and make them admit that it was necessary to vest unlimited power in Hitler to save the country from Communism. In contrast to the previous regionalistic character of Nazism, Hitler abolished every trace of autonomy in the various States, and subordinated all Germany to the domination of Berlin. The masses, deprived of their leaders by the Felime, did not protest.

Making use of his dictatorial powers Hitler took the neces-sary steps to stand in well with every part of the PrussoTeutonic group. He introduced measure after measure to satisfy the Junkers and the big industrialists. He flattered the Reichswehr too and tried to make it forget that Schleicher, the man of the Reichswehr, had been replaced by himself as the head of the government. As for Schleicher, the latter's grudge was against von Papen rather than Hitler-because he believed it was the former who had been principally responsible for his downfall. He never realized that, in the last analYsis, everything had been organized by Hitler.


Denying the Past

But Hitler had a revolutionary past which might be embarrassing to the interests he was now serving. He had hoisted himself to power by fulminating for years against existing power, including the Prusso-Teutonic forces.

Originally Hitler was simply an agitator without a definite purpose, ready to ally himself with any group of interests, if he saw some advantage to himself from such an alliance. Among his faithful followers were sincere men like Gregor Strasser, who had strong German nationalist feelings but moved in a direction opposed to Prussianism. They ardently desired a German Federation free of any Prussian tinge. While the National Socialist party had had its headquarters in Munich, it had often displayed a Bavarian-inspired regional resistance to the centralizing pressure of Prussia. From time to time also, the Nazi party had appeared to be a movement with socialistic tendencies, opposed to Junker feudalism. Roehm's views were of this character, though clearly he was Strasser's moral inferior. But Hitler, who did not feel constrained by any basic principles and who made allies where he could (or rather, wherever his alert opportunism might lead him), surrounded himself also with men like Goering, the Prussian officer type; like Alfred Rosenberg, who dreamed of a new Prusso-Teutonic religion; and like Goebbels, who would have sold his soul to anyone, but who concluded that selling it to the Prussians would be most profitable.

Despite his numerous ties with Prussian interests, for a long time Hitler would eat at anyone's table. His definite alliance with the Prusso-Teutonic forces was not consummated until early in 1933, Without it he would never have been able to accede to power, nor could he have risen to international importance. He would never have been more than a picturesque demagogue in the arena of internal German politics. Hitler was never a world threat until the support of Prusso-Teutonic forces gave him the key to power.

The left wing of his party, Roehm and his three million SA, had taken his earlier promises seriously. These folk no longer understood what was happening. They had believed that the hour of revolution had struck, and demanded changes which might be extremely annoying to the Prussian clique Hitler was now planning to serve. Roehm went so far as to demand control of the Reichswehr by the SA and for himself powers superior to the generals. Decidedly, he did not yet understand what was going on.

The man in Hitler's entourage who. had "understood" from the very beginning was Goering. He had always had personal ties with the Prussian powers. He now put himself more fully at their service. Consequently there was to be no change in his relationships with them and he was to be rewarded for his attitude: he would be permitted to set, up his "Hermann Goeringwerke, A. G." within the empire of German heavy industry.

Hitler's accession to power became possible because of the confidence of the Prusso-Teutonics. He was well aware that he would be unable to maintain that power unless he managed to preserve this confidence. But the embarrassing activity of Roehm and his troops was imperiling it. Gregor Strasser was still estranged from the throne and his silence signified a con

stant reproach to Hitler, reminding him that he had been false to his past. Kahr, leader of the Bavarian Separatists, formerly allied with Hitler, failed also to understand the Chancellor's alliance with the Prussian forces against whom they had striven together. This whole set was sowing unrest among militant Nazis and creating difficulties for the new Chancellor.

Killing the Past

In the spring of 1934 the Prusso-Teutonics became increasingly worried over the restlessness in the left wing of the Nazi party. Their cabinet "liaison officer," von Papen, decided to post a warning. On June 17, 1934, he delivered a speech severely criticizing the revolutionary phases of the Nazi regime. This meant obviously that the Prusso-Teutonics were wondering whether after all they had made a good choice in the person of Hitler, and whether they should not replace him. Von Papen doubtless hoped that as a result of this speech Hitler might be forced out and he himself might again succeed to the office. He was adaptable and managed to fit himself into a subordinate office, but if the necessity for change arose von Papen was not averse to playing first fiddle himself, under the baton, of course, of the same band-leaders as before.

But Hitler clung desperately to his office and was prepared for any sacrifice to keep it. To meet the situation he improvised, as so often in his career, and his improvisation bore the usual stamp of his intuitive brutality. Goering had the same understanding of affairs as he, and followed him wholeheartedly, while Goebbels and Hess trailed along in more retiring fashion.

The bloody purge of June 30, 1934, born of this inspiration, was a master stroke. Hitler organized it solely to regain the confidence of the Prussian clique. Gregor Strasser and Roehm were executed. They were the ones who had wished to proceed with the National Socialist revolution and had been reproaching Hitler for his alliance with Junkers and big industry. Schleicher was also killed. Despite his origin he had dared while in power to further a policy opposing Junker interests. Moreover, he remembered his negotiations with Strasser and Roehin and might possibly reveal at some future date the promises both had made in Hitler's name (and surely with his consent) for the purpose of arousing him to action against the Junkers. If Schleicher had survived the execution of Strasser and Roehm, he might at any moment have become an extremely embarrassing witness. Kahr naively had signed his own death warrant by reminding Hitler that he had once been on the other side of the fence, with the Bavarian Separatists against the Prussian powers.

Von Papen's arrest on the same date was necessary to make him clearly understand that Hitler had no intention of abandoning the position of "first fiddle." He had to accept with a smile the execution of his assistants. They had been unwise enough to draw up the speech delivered by von Papen and had dared to recommend that the powers behind the scenes accord their confidence to someone other than Hitler. Since they were persons of no importance, no one would protest their deaths.

Eventually von Papen was freed and was permitted to continue "to serve." The bonds between him. and the, Prusso-Teutonic forces were too close to allow Hitler to sacrifice him entirely. He deserved a warning and Hitler was satisfied with that much.

By executing Schleicher, Kahr, Strasser, Roehrr-, and numerous other militant members of his own party having similar tendencies, Hitler had silenced embarrassing witnesses of his past. He had equally in this way arrested any future desire, within the Nazi party, to proceed in a direction opposing the interests of the Prussian forces. Besides he could now say to his Prusso-Teutonic masters: "For you have I sacrificed my best friends. I have eliminated Schleicher as well, who dared oppose you. What better proof could I furnish of my absolute devotion to your interests?"

True, the Reichswehr, which was part of the Prusso-Teutonic clan, was angry at him for Schleicher's death. But Hitler knew that Junkers and industrialists were more powerful within the group than the Reichswehr, and in the course of his career he had never hesitated to betray weaker interests for the advantage of stronger ones. Possessing the confidence of Junkers and industrialists, he was certain that nothing could happen to him, and now that the general who had been bothering him was no longer present, he applied himself thenceforward to appeasing the Reichswehr too. Like a real "confidence man" he knew the best methods to regain the confidence of those whom he had tricked. Early in January, 1935 he read a declaration before an officers' society restoring Schleicher's "honor," the officers were pleased, and tranquility returned.

The contempt which the Prussian General Staff felt for the Austrian Corporal did not disappear overnight, but they no longer disputed his orders. Despite appearances to the contrary, orders were no longer given in his name, nor in the name of Nazism (which had changed completely from its earlier form). Hitler was now speaking in the very name of the ancient Prusso-Teutonic caste of which the army officers were members, and whose supreme servant Hitler had become.

The Anti-Semitic Camouflage

Since then, what is now known as Nazi Germany has been the very prototype of what the Prusso-Teutonics might have dreamed in their most optimistic moments. Hitler had supplied the methods but it was the Prusso-Teutonic scheme which had taken shape: Hitler had merely contributed the anti-Semitic note to the choruses, which would certainly not displease the Prusso-Teutonics.

Anti-Semitic camouflage has been put by Hitler to excellent tactical advantage. He knew that he could maintain his influence over the masses if he succeeded in preserving the revolutionary appearance of his movement. In the past he had berated Junkers, heavy industry, Jews and Communists indiscriminately. He could no longer say anything against Junkers and the industrialists-they were now his masters. There remained the Jews and Communists. To make up for what he had lost in area of attack he would intensify his brawling against the latter two groups. Former Communists were more numerous in Germany than Jews; it was therefore chiefly against the latter that he loosed his attacks. It was always preferable to march first against the weakest minority, thereby winning the sympathies of all who were not affected by these attacks and who consequently believed themselves privileged.

Julius Streicher, filth-mongering editor of the Stuermer, had never been in the circle of Hitler's intimates. His movement had evolved on the fringe of the Nazi party. Nevertheless ever since he came into power Hitler drew from Streicher the inspiration for his anti-Semitic campaigns. Once he arrived at the conclusion, for the reasons stated, that it was good policy to intensify this campaign, it was natural, in order to go about it in the best way, for him to call upon the specialist.

One should not for a moment forget that the anti-Semitic movement was, for Hitler, chiefly a "smoke-screen" which served to, hide his real intentions. The suffering of Jews in Germany and in territories occupied by the Nazis deserves all our sympathy, but the real danger which Hitler represents is quite another. Hitler prefers to place "the struggle against the Jews" in the foreground of his ambitions and from time to time "the struggle against Communists." The Teutonic

Knights when they left for the Borussian country had constantly on their tongues "the struggle against the pagans," when actually they were thinking of conquest and nothing else. The same class has preserved through the ages, from the thirteenth century to our day, the same ambitions for unlimited conquest. This class and their ambitions have been hidden, at various points in Prussian history, behind different screens. Now this front is called "Hitler," as tomorrow it may be called "Goering," "von Papen," or "Thyssen." The men have changed through the ages but the forces controlling them and the methods employed have remained the same.

We may add that Fritz von Thyssen's "flight" to Paris in April, 1940 was clearly designed to build up his prestige in the eyes of the Allies and to use him, if it becomes necessary to sacrifice Hitler, as a new front behind which the PrussoTeutonic game could be carried on. Indeed, in the beginning of the war, Germany's masters were somewhat uncertain about the results they might expect from Hitler's blitz technique. Thyssen's trip to Paris was decided upon in order to prepare for a new camouflage in case of an unsatisfactory outcome of the war.

The successful invasion of France made such precautions appear to be superfluous. After Thyssen's return to Germany, "under heavy guard" to keep up appearances, it was learned that he was living quietly in a sanitarium in a fashionable Berlin suburb, instead of having been executed for having turned "traitor"—as everybody would have expected.

Serving His Masters

It is a well-known fact that Hitler succeeded to power through von Papen's intrigues and with the support of Junkers and heavy industry. Nevertheless, most authors conclude that Hitler, after getting hold of the reins of the government, devoted his attention first of all to imposing the Nazi regime upon Germany and subduing every other power there, including the Prusso-Teutonics.

Exactly the opposite is true. Hitler, in order to become Chancellor, concluded a bargain with the Prusso-Teutonic powers and to this day has rigidly adhered to that bargain. It is true that ever since this agreement was made Germany has appeared in the eyes of the world in the guise of "the Nazi regime." It must not be forgotten, however, that Hitler has permitted to remain alive only as much of the Nazi system as suits the Prussian powers. He has suppressed everything that ran counter to those forces, including the "socialistic" and "revolutionary" nature of Nazism. The word "Nazi" has taken, since 1933-1934, a different meaning from what it had before, narrower and broader at the same time: narrower because it no longer corresponds at all to the program of early Nazism, and broader because of its use as a new cloak for Prusso-Teutonic ambitions.

In practice this means that Hitler, unpredictable character though he is, acts as leader only within certain limits, and these limits are prescribed by the powers operating as his "bosses." He has never come to any decision which would not have been fully approved by the Junkers and heavy industry, preponderant elements of the Prusso-Teutonic group. He appears now and then to be in disagreement with the Generals, but then it should not be forgotten that the Reichswehr is only a kind of "Junior partner" in the Prussian company. Because of the professional pride which has always characterized military career men everywhere, the Reichswehr does not always submit blindly to the will of its associates. This was evident even in Schleicher's time and more recently as well, when, for example, General von Brauchitsch was recalled. Hitler acts a bit more freely toward the Reichswehr than toward his other partners, for, as in the days of Schleicher, he depends for support chiefly on the Junkers and big industry who, by reason of their economic importance, are his real masters.

"Nationalists" and "Prusso-Teutonics" Are Not Identical

What may have deceived those who think that Nazism has overcome the forces which promoted its access to power is the fact that the rightist parties have been liquidated by Hitler just as thoroughly as the parties of the left. Hugenberg was forced to dissolve his party and had himself to resign from the first Hitler cabinet on June 2 7, 1933 .

The misapprehension stems from the fact that one may confuse "rightist parties" with "Prusso-Teutonic powers." The parties of the right were, indeed, liquidated by Hitler but not the forces behind them.

Hitler considered the rightist parties as rivals. It is therefore understandable that one of his first considerations should have been to destroy them. But he knew that these parties were only fronts for more powerful forces. He never attempted to eliminate these forces for which he had always had a great respect. All he wanted was merely to become their sole aged and sole facade for the future. On this condition, he was ready to serve them blindly.

The highly competitive struggle between the so-called German Nationalists and Hitler was perfectly defined by Robert d'Harcourt on February 20, 1933, barely three weeks after Hitler's accession to power, in the French Catholic review, Etudes:

"Rarely have two parties waged a struggle as fierce as the Racists have against the supporters of Hugenbergy. From the beginning a great gulf opened between them in their differing attitudes toward capital, or fixed fortune. The former group based their stand on the economic depression debilitating Germany. They themselves had more than once quite cynically acknowledged that German misery was their prime ally. They had found in the bitterness and spirit of revolt of the masses and in the social climate in general, a springboard which they energetically exploited. To the young, and also to the embittered, they appeared to be revolutionaries. Their greatest strength was a vast stock of vague expectations and confidence in the overthrow of things as they were. In the eyes of the discontented unstable element the German nationalists [i.e., the Hugenberg followers] had the disadvantage of appearing as a party of money-bags, of gorged individuals—and at the same time, a mummified group. All the forces of reaction congregated within this party: industrial magnates, great agrarians of the East, capitalists of every color banded together to obstruct the road of revolution with a strong-box, and raise a wall of money against the barricade."

The "Nationalists" had made the mistake of permitting reactionary influences which hid behind them to be seen too clearly. This was bound to render them unpopular. It was therefore not surprising that their representation in the Reichstag should have been the smallest. The Prusso-Teutonics had nothing to gain any longer by encumbering themselves with such a troublesome, weak front. It constituted a handicap to them from the moment they were able to replace it by the younger, more vigorous front offered by Hitler.

The exchange was wholly to their advantage. It is not astonishing that they should have accepted it as soon as they believed Hitler's promises that he would faithfully serve them. These promises had been given directly, as well as through the medium of von Papen, during the weeks preceding January 30, 1933. When in 1934 doubts arose among the Prusso-Teutonics as to Hitler's sincerity, he felt it necessary to reaffirm his unlimited devotion by the radical act of the blood purge of June 30, 1934. "He goes to the length of sacrificing his most faithful lieutenants for us," said the Prusso-Teutonics, and they voiced no further doubts concerning his fidelity.

A Well-Constructed Hierarchy

One may wonder why Hitler, who betrayed so many in the course of his career, including his most intimate friends, should never have attempted to betray the Prusso-Teutonics. It is the only bargain Hitler seems to have kept. The reason is simple: he believes them very strong and more powerful than any other group in Germany, and therefore prefers to travel in their wake. It is certainly not moral considerations which prevent betrayal on his part.

Hitler saw, during his long years of struggle to gain control of the ruling office of Germany, that it was always the men momentarily in the confidence of the Prusso-Teutonics who held this post. For years and years he had concentrated, therefore, on becoming that henchman serving the same forces and eliminating all rivals. After concentrating so long on this single aim he was not going to risk, by any false move, alienating the masters in whose power he believed.

If he had wished to revolt against these forces, the natural thought would have been for him to lean on his own party as all the support that was needed. This in short was the solution proposed by Gregor Strasser and Roehm. But Hitler, a cynic, had reached the conclusion that "popular" forces—groups which appeared in the public eye and whose membership was open to the great masses of the people-were much less powerful than occult, closed forces, whose success was guaranteed by their firm internal organization. The Prusso-Teutonics had all the earmarks of a group organized in occult, or at least closed, fashion. In comparison with these forces the Nazi party must be considered an open, "popular" organization. (The fact that the Nazi party had been built up by demagogic means does not detract at all from its open, popular character.) The Nazi party has weight due to its numbers; the Prusso-Teutonic group, to the nature of its conspiracy. (See page 30 for the role played, according to the Nazi writer, Hans Krieg, by a "Conspirational Conmninity" in the achievement of alms bequeathed by the Teutonic Knights) Hitler realized that he could make the mass membership of the Nazi party serve him and he intended in turn to put himself at the service of the Prusso-Teutonic conspiracy. In this there was an hierarchical gradation from which Hitler, contrary to Gregor Strasser and Roehm, has never wished to break away.

Since January 30, 1933, Hitler has devoted himself—with the aid of the Prussian forces—to the achievement of the old plans of the Teutonic Knights, of the great Elector, of Frederick the Great, and of Bismarck.

In international matters, all Hitler's acts and decisions are what one would expect from any agent of the old PrussoTeutonic scheme. But to a world unprepared for them they are the startling manifestation of a newly risen universal danger.

He spent a few short months exclusively on internal Gleichschaltung, eliminating every trace of the Weimar Republic and suppressing any possibility of disturbance from that source. The "authoritarian regime" which has always been a Prussian dream was fully achieved within a very short time.

Then, in the month of October, 1933, Germany withdrew from the disarmament conference of the League of Nations. The whole Prusso-Teutonic class was jubilant and the "heavy industry" wing in their midst feverishly, prepared for heavy armament production. A few months of internal unrest followed which suggested the possibility of a split between Nazis and Prusso-Teutonics. But Hitler put an end to all that on June 30, 1934, and everything was straightened out.

The Ancient Conquering March

Rid of all disturbing elements, Hitler and the PrussoTeutonics could thenceforth devote themselves completely to the achievement of their common plan. The stages of this task followed one another in rapid succession. In March, 1935, conscription was again introduced into the German Army and Navy. This occurred in spite of prohibitions of the Versailles Treaty. In March, 1936, Germany occupied the left bank of the Rhine. Occupation of Austria followed in March, 1938; the "peaceful" occupation of the Sudetenland in September, 19 3 8, secured under armed threat; the rest of Czecho-Slovakia occupied in March, 1939; annexation of Memel in the same month through pressure on Lithuania; and finally in September, 1939, occupation of Poland. The ancient conquering march of the Prusso-Teutonics was on again, directed along lines of least resistance; it was only the last of the above movements of expansion that excited world resistance and thereby the present war. The task of secret rearmament, begun by the PrussoTeutonics immediately after the German defeat of 1918 and completed with the help of the Felime's activities, had produced its results.

"God has erected our Empire before the Kings of the Earth," wrote Emperor Frederick II, who launched the Prusso-Teutonic forces on the path of conquest. From Frederick Barbarossa, who dreamed of himself as dominus mundi, to Hitler, who dreams of similar things, is but a step.

The guiding diplomatic principles are identical with those of the old Teutonic Order. In the expansion of territory, no friendship or treaty is an obstacle and any excuse is valid. The precepts of Prusso-Teutonic theoreticians are followed, such as the teachings of von Buelow, who held that: ". . . it is first necessary to attack one's neighbor, before coming to more distant States. If this rule is not observed, countries separating the two main adversaries may declare themselves either with or against the great empire. Should they declare themselves against this power everything is changed, since a coalition of little States is equivalent to one big State."

The "New Order" Is an Old Order

More recent occupations of countries by Germany (Norway, Denmark, Holland, Belgium, France, Yugoslavia, etc.) at first glance may appear as simple strategic occupation. If one examines them more closely one can perceive, however, that the Prusso-Teutonic powers took advantage of each invasion of foreign territory, from the first day of occupation, to prepare in the most thoroughgoing scientific manner for the permanent subjugation of the occupied country. This was accomplished first of all on the economic level, where the Prusso-Teutonics' interests primarily are. They are well aware that economic control leads automatically to political control. German economic agencies follow closely on the heels of armies of occupation and endeavor to transform the temporary hold on conquered countries into a permanent economic control.

Until the present this operation has succeeded much more completely in a country like France, where local authorities have accepted the idea of "collaboration" than in countries occupied against the resistance of their governments. In France capture of control of corporations through forced sale to Germans took place with a show of legality because French authorities and courts, under pressure from Vichy, countenanced these transactions. The Prusso-Teutonics know that military occupation of France cannot last forever. Be-sides, they have probably considered the possibility of a German defeat which would bring about the fall of the Nazi regime They must have said to themselves that even in that case conquest of France would have yielded them the key advantages they had hoped to gain: they figured that it would be extremely difficult for the French to find the legal forms to get rid of German control over nearly the whole of their national economy. This control having thus been established within legal framework, according to French law, the task of destroying it would be arduous and complicated. This would be true even for a government under no obligation to respect the agreements of Vichy. It would of course be more true for any French government recognizing Vichy laws and decrees.

All of this entered into the preparation for what Hitler calls the "New Economic Order." This "New Order" is in its entirety the old Prussian scheme of List, which ninety years before Hitler's reign provided the blueprint for the creation of European economic unity under domination of a Prussian Germany. It also provided for subsequent expansion of this Prusso-Teutonic Europe through invasion of the markets of other continents, and establishment of "protectorates" throughout the world. This scheme had always been close to the hearts of the Prusso-Teutonic powers of Germany and had been placed by Dr. Schacht and Dr. Funk in the foreground of the alms pursued by Hitler. Territorial conquest has a meaning subordinate to economic conquest, according to List's formula.

An army of German accountants and auditors was installed in Paris, following the army of soldiers, to draw up "inventories" of all important French enterprises. After these inventories were drawn up German officials and delegates of private German industry called upon the various enterprises to secure for themselves absolute and quite legal control of these firms by the aid of political pressures of every sort and especially by means of the aid lent by "collaborators" within the French government.

All this is in no sense a product of Hitler's invention or of Nazism. Neither is it the result of private initiative of a "racketeering" sort, springing up perhaps because of the complacency of certain German military authorities. (This is not to say that there is no wholesale racketeering going on in addition to the above transactions.) It is a matter, on the contrary, of initiative completely consistent with the official German scheme, which is the Prusso-Teutonic scheme stemming from List and other theorists of the same school of thought—and has nothing to do with Nazism.

The Anti-Christian Current

Aside from his conquest and these efforts to establish a "New Economic Order" under Gennan domination, Hitler's "innovations" are primarily in the religious domain. In order not to lose the sympathies of that section of German population which is deeply devoted to the Catholic or Protestant Churches, he approached this subject with many precautions during the early period of his rule. For some time, however, this aspect of his regime has come to the foreground in Germany and the world press has long dealt with the evident efforts of Hitler to substitute a purely Germanic faith for all forms of religion having foreign connections. It is openly said in Germany today that Mein Kampf should replace the Bible and it is hinted that Hitler will some day replace Christ.

Certain observers called attention to the fact that Hitler had definitely created something new at least in the field of religion. All "religious innovations" now taking place in Germany are generally attributed to Nazism. But if we reread what Professor N. A. Cramb said in 1913 about German aims in the domain of religion (see pages 107-110) we must admit that in this sphere as well Hitler's "innovations" correspond point by point with the ancient Prusso-Teutonic scheme. Creation of a new world religion, purely Teutonic in character, appears in this light to be as important a goal in the whole scheme as the aims of political and economic conquest:

"It is reserved for us to resume in thought that creative role in religion which the whole Teutonic race abandoned fourteen centuries ago," young Germans told Cramb in 1913 Judoea and Galilee struck Germany in the splendor and heroism of her prime. Germany and the whole Teutonic people in the fifth century made the great error. They conquered Rome, but, dazzled by Rome's authority, they adopted the religion and the culture of the vanquished." And Cramb adds: "Thus while proposing to found a world-empire, Germany is also proposing to create a world-religion."

Seen in this light the violent anti-Semitic campaigns of Hitler are blows against the combined Judeo-Christian religions: these first blows are directed at the weakest branches of a single tree. The basic idea came from the Prusso-Teutonics and even Hitler's methods of employing it are of old Prussian inspiration: to attack first the weakest of one's adversaries and then only to extend the attack to the others, one at a time. This tactic makes possible clever propaganda which spreads the belief that only the minority group is the enemy, in this case the Jews.

This anti-Christian current is a very ancient Teutonic trend. It is true that the Holy Roman Empire was, in its origins, profoundly Occidental and Christian; but the struggles waged against the Papacy by the Emperors who succeeded one another brought out atavistic, essentially antiChristian elements in these men as a reaction. Thus there had been, as we have seen, two men in Emperor Frederick II. In his youth he pursued an imperial vision of Occidental idealism. Later he became a bard man, the "hammer" of his century, a new Attila whose moral concepts were no longer Christian but quite close to those of the barbarians.

It was precisely this Frederick ll—"second edition" (who was not so different from his grandfather, Barbarossa) who had intrusted an imperial mission to the Teutonic Knights. By acting thus he had automatically transmitted to them his basically anti-Christian principles, or at least a-Christian and amoral (according to our concept of the word "moral"). The Teutonic Order has pursued through the centuries this tradition and has, so to speak, crystallized it by giving it permanent form and even accentuating its anti-Christian direction. It is therefore not astonishing that the Teutonic Order should have been so frequently in conflict with the Papacy. The Prussia created by the Teutonic Knights and the Prussian spirit which evolved finally handed down to the present the anti-Christian tendencies observed by Cramb in 1913.

When Alfred Rosenberg travels around Germany setting up his "Ordensburgen"—in which young Germans are indoctrinated with the principles of the new Teutonic religion -he is definitely inspired by the old tradition of the Teutonic Order. He is, moreover, right in calling these institutions "Ordensburgen," because each ancient "Burg" of the "Order" in the past centuries filled the same role as the recent institutions of the same name: The ancient Ordensburgen were outposts of Teutonic thought and expansion in Slavic countries.

The Teutonic Order and its offshoot, the intermingled Prusso-Teutonic forces, have kept alive the Teutonic spirit of revenge against the Christian influence. The tradition of the Fehme has evolved on parallel tracks and was inspired by the same spirit. The spirit of the great mass of the peaceable and profoundly Christian German population has through the ages provided a striking contrast. Observers during all this time have taken account of only this latter aspect of affairs and have not attached sufficient importance to the Teutonic forces which were awaiting their hour.

The belief in a Teutonic Messiah was always alive in these circles: Barbarossa was asleep in his mountain * and would come forth some day to lead his people toward new destinies.[ * See pages 337-341]

Hitler expects to be this Teutonic Messiah. In this respect also he intends to take advantage of ideas which were set in motion long before his time. He knows how to "steal the show" in every field. He expects from his faithful that they take him with a respectful seriousness, as becomes a Barbarossa redivivus. The salute "Heil Hitler" was introduced precisely in order to superimpose Hitler on the image of Christ.

The expression Third Reich was created to recall Barbarossa. The second Reich had been, in the interpretation of Hitler's faithful, that of Bismarck (although the latter had never so described it), and the first, that of Barbarossa. The figure three leads back to the figure one, as the Holy Trinity symbolizes the one God. Hitler, or rather Hess and Rosenberg -his experts in "mystic matters"-, were clever at choosing their symbols to catch the public imagination.

Destruction of the Family

The Prusso-Teutonics succeeded in liberating themselves completely from the background common to Western civilization: the Greco-Christian moral philosophy. The fight against the Christian spirit is thus an organic part of Prusso-Teutonism; Bismarck's famous "Kulturkampf," directed against the Catholic Church, and Hitler's open battle against all Judeo-Christian religions can be considered logical—simply as a part of this fight.

We must put into the same class the methodical attempts made in Germany to break up the traditional concept of the family as well as the efforts to introduce into the relations between young people of the two sexes a lack of restraint directly opposed to Western ideas. The encouragement of sexual relations between girls and boys of neighboring youth camps and the propaganda advanced in schools to accustom the girls to the idea of having illegitimate children "for the State" or "for Hitler" are not accidental occurrences. They are part of a systematic plan to break up all the social forms and customs on which Greco-Christian society was built.

This program has been extended even to the territories occupied by Germany. Recent reports from Poland and from Alsace-Lorraine seem to confirm that the "New Order" which the Prusso-Teutonics visualize in Europe would mean, in this sphere also, regression to long outdated concepts.

The family idea is very ancient and goes back to pre-Christian times. It was adopted, however, as an organic part of the Greco-Christian moral concept. It evolved out of an elementary philosophy of life in which was latent the idea of the "primacy of the human person." The Individual, instead of being submerged in the Tribe or in the State, forms his own little universe, the Family-and all further development of Society starts at that point. The undermining of the ideas * on which the family has been built up means something further: the suppression of a unit in which the individual was able to find shelter from the uniformity and the exactions of the Tribe or the State. German policy in the matter of the sexual education of youth thus appears as an organic part of the plan to submerge the individual within the State—the PrussoTeutonic State, of course, even if the individual is Alsatian or Polish.

No girl should be selfish enough to save herself for her future husband or to be dominated by thoughts of the family she may wish to raise. Such thoughts are no longer a virtue. They are a crime against the State: children should be begotten only for the State. "There is but one virtue-to forget oneself as an individual," said Fichte and von Bernhardi long ago. The individual's thought of procreating should be governed only by the needs of the State. And if these children are born out of wedlock, so much the better: without family attachments they will be much more willing to submit themselves to the State.

The Five Prussian Characteristics

We may now recapitulate the various traits which are inherent in "Prussianism." We can find five such traits, or characteristics. First, there is the threefold mark mentioned in

* i.e., those opposed to promiscuous sexual relations, those referring to the first allegiance of children to the head of the family, etc.

Chapter 11 as particularly characteristic of the Teutonic Order. Let us review the meaning of each of these traits:

(1) The Teutonic harshness of the Knights. This appeared on many occasions as the barbaric element in Prussianism. This is the trait which goes back directly to pre-Christian days. It explains the many cruelties apparent in the Third Reich which so often shocked the Western World.

(2) The egotism of caste and the arrogance of the Teutonic Knights. The Knights were of noble descent. The Order itself was described symbolically as a "Hospital" of the German nobles, a sort of charitable self-help institution with the purpose of procuring due and undue privileges for the caste members. We are facing here the feudal element in Prussianism; in its name were committed the numerous abuses for which the Junkers so often were criticized. This created and encouraged in Prusso-Teutonic Germany an atmosphere of corruption strangely fused with the so-called "higher goals." This element is also responsible for the famous arrogance of the German Junkers and officers which has frequently aroused world-wide resentment.

(3) The fanaticism and the "disciplinarian" mentality derived from the monastic origin of Prussianism. The Teutonic Knights acted in the most un-Christian manner and were often in open struggle with the Church. Nevertheless a severe monastic rule reigned supreme within the Order in contradiction to the frequently un-Christian outward conduct of the Teutonic brethren. It is true that in this rule the accent was on discipline and not on Christian spirit. This rule was inspired by the statutes of the two other Knights' orders in the Holy Land, especially by those of the Templar Order. The strictness of these statutes was a guarantee of survival for these Orders. The leaders of the Teutonic Knights wanted to insure survival of their Order by using the same means. In spite of their frequent opposition to the teachings of the Church they could employ monastic rule because this was not necessarily Christian. The traditions of the Sicilian-Norman State in which Emperor Frederick II had been raised also influenced these statutes toward the same disciplinarian spirit. From this source the Order inherited especially its conception of a State led by officials governed by the same rigid discipline. Out of this monastic fanaticism and disciplinarian mentality evolved the famous "Prussian discipline" of the German army and officialdom; and also the intolerance characteristic of most institutions in present-day Germany. This is the trait in Prusso-Teutonic Germany which is at the antipodes of any "sense of humor." But this monastic fanaticism in the Knights' times also meant absolute devotion to the cause of the Order and utter disregard of the "primacy of the human person'' This primacy was a Christian principle but its application was necessarily lost in the rigid monastic structure of the Teutonic Order: the Order's interests took precedence over those of Christianity and mankind. In the course of centuries the Teutonic Order developed into the Prussian State. The absolute devotion which originally had been accorded to the Order now was directed toward the State. This devotion in modern times took shape as the German totalitarian idea applied by the Prusso-Teutonics in connection with the Prussian-controlled German State.

Besides this threefold mark, the Teutonic Order had two further characteristics. These were the ones directly inherited from the Hohenstaufen Emperors: (a) ambition aiming at world domination; (b) fight (undercover or open) against the Christian spirit. These two aims were closely connected. As we have seen, the Hohenstaufens concerned themselves only with the unlimited extension of their own power in the direction of world domination-toward which the Church took (and had to take by its very nature) a strongly critical attitude.

The Teutonic Order inherited from the Hohenstaufens both these ambitions and the spirit of resistance against the supremacy of the Church and Christian teachings in general. In the isolated hot-house of Eastern Prussia these two "Leitmotivs" grew to gigantesque proportions through the centuries.

These five characteristics were perpetuated by the inner circle of the Order and later by the Junker organizations. They still pervade present-day Prussianism. They have even obtruded themselves into the foreground to such an extent that their sudden appearance in the limelight has surprised the world. It has not been fully realized that this is no spontaneous creation of Nazism, but that these characteristics have for centuries been inherent in Prussianism.

It is due to the five traits or tendencies we have described (two of which were inherited from the Hohenstaufen Emperors, three developed within the Teutonic Order) that Prusso-Teutonic Germany (Hitlerian Germany today) seems to be so utterly different from the rest of the world. And it is also because of the same characteristics that it is so different from that other Germany: the Germany of Greco-Christian culture-which used to be the Germany before Prussian domination was established over all German nations; and which may still exist, to a limited extent, in a part of the country—or at least in certain German homes.

The All-Important Fight Against the Christian Spirit

Of the five characteristics of Prusso-Teutonic Germany, the two inherited from the Hohenstaufen Emperors described under (a) and (b) are the most significant and the most important. These—"ambition aiming toward world domination" and "fight against the Christian spirit"—appear as the basic driving forces. It is quite natural that this should be so, since the Teutonic Order accepted these two aims when it embarked on the Borussian adventure and consciously carried them for-ward through the centuries.

The "fight against the Christian spirit" seems to be the more all-embracing of these two aims. It is even a kind of prerequisite to the other aim-unlimited imperialism-because the Christian spirit is necessarily opposed to domination of the world by a single group or State. Also, it was possible for the other three characteristics of Prusso-Teutonic Germany which we have described to develop into what they are today only because of the basic anti-Christian tendency of the Order, and in later times of the Prusso-Teutonics.

The Teutonic harshness and egotism of caste, lacking all limitations set by Christian morality, made possible the cruelties and abuses for which the Teutonic Knights were infamous in Prussia, the peculiar practices of the Felime in the Middle Ages and particularly in its revived, more cruel form after World War I, and the present inhuman mass-killings of the civilian population in the Ukraine, Yugoslavia, etc.

The unlimited devotion to the State without the humanizing influence of Christian morality is at the origin of such statements of principles as those contained in the writings of the Prusso-Teutonic theoreticians (see Chapter 1) *—statements which Western people with their Greco-Christian background feel are basically opposed to their way of thinking. This also explains the constant lying and broken promises of the Teutonic Order where advantages for the Order's State were at stake; and also the same attitude in more recent Prussian history-particularly in the case of Bismarck, whose Machiavellism and cynicism are surpassed only by Hitler's. This peculiar type of devotion to the interests of the State finds justification for the most evil actions, provided they benefit the State.[ * For example: "Right belongs to those who are victorious in war"; "The right of conquest is universally recognized"; "Strength is the highest law"; "Without war we would find degenerate races"; "War is a sound panacea for the people"; "Everything has its price"; "The State is an end in itself."]

Secret Germany

One may ask whether there is an actual secret organization behind the Junkers and the Prusso-Teutonics or whether the familiar Prusso-Teutonic organizations are responsible for the sequence of events presented in this book.

Really secret organizations seldom betray their existence by outward signs. Nevertheless the founding of the secret "Society of Lizards" (Eidechsengesellschaft) is an historical fact. Reliable historians have related how this society tried to pull the strings in Prussia while the Order of the Teutonic Knights still existed. Kotzebue attributes to the activities of this secret society the secularization of Prussia.

The unilinear evolution which has taken place since then—in Prussia and in a Germany dominated by Prussia—and which corresponds point by point to the basic principles of the Society of Lizards might be considered sufficient circumstantial evidence of the survival of a secret Prusso-Teutonic organization right down to our time. But there is more. The entire process of Prussian growth seems to be inspired by an uninterrupted organic plan. The continuity in the achievement of this plan while the Teutonic Order was responsible for the growth can well be understood. No interruption in the logic of events is observable, however, even since the time when the Order ceased to manage the affairs of Prussia. The natural thought, of course, is that the Society of Lizards, which was-while the Order still existed-its rival for influence in Prussia, secretly carried forward the same plans on its own; and that the same Society inspired the Great Elector, Frederick II, Bismarck, Wilhelm II, and the different leaders of Germany since 1918.

Our circumstantial evidence goes further: Germany was defeated in 1918 and the old ambitious plans of the Prussian elements seemed shattered forever; yet within a few months somebody, somewhere, behind the curtains in Germany, made decisions of the highest importance. These decisions meant revival of the old Fehme, the organization of a systematic terror planned to undermine the young German Republic and to facilitate Germany's secret rearmament. So-called "secret societies" sprang up from one day to the other all over Germany-societies which were secretive as regards the details of their decisions and activities, but whose existence itself was a secret from nobody. All these secret societies were closely connected among themselves; and there was no rivalry between them. Their activities complemented each other wonderfully. Even a superficial observer must conclude that all this was possible only if these societies received instructions from the same hidden, absolutely secret sources.

The fact that the Fehme terror sprang up so rapidly, so "spontaneously" after the first World War tends to confirm the view that the decision to institute this terror must have been reached by a very small group operating secretly. It is extremely difficult to imagine that a large, openly organized association like the Reichs-Landbund (the professional organization of the Junker landowners), or a social club like the Herrenklub (to which nobody but the cream of the Prusso-Teutonics was admitted), could overnight have taken such a grave decision as the starting of a new blood tribunal. Matters of this delicate character can be decided only by a few people who are party to the same secret, and bound by the same vows. Unless this condition exists, endless discussions ensue which hinder a quick decision; and the danger Of betrayal exists. It is a fact that no time elapsed before the decisions were taken, and the orders were issued to the different executive agencies. Further, nobody ever betrayed the working of the inner circle of the twentieth-century Felime.

At the end of the nineteenth century, Emperor Wilhelm II, who was nurtured on the traditions of the Prusso-Teutonic Order, actually reestablished this Order in Prussia and Ger many. The descendants of those who, acting in the Society of Lizards, displaced the ancient Order from Prussia—and contributed thus to its disintegration—now claimed for themselves the right to appear cloaked in the dignity of those whose place they had taken. (From their point of view they were perfectly right to do so: although they had displaced the Order, they actually were carrying on the Order's traditions. They acted like a man who secures control of a corporation by the foulest means and then, continuing on the original policies of the enterprise, makes speeches to the glory of his predecessor.) Not much was said about the activities of the revived Order, but its yearly conventions in East Prussia were generally noted by the German newspapers. A few months after the beginning of the present war, a short notice appeared in German papers announcing that Hitler himself had been initiated into the Teutonic Order.

No information is published about the internal organization of the contemporary Prusso-Teutonic Order, nor about its exact connections with what—if it still exists—is the present-day survival of the Society of Lizards.

In a word, we cannot expect to find documentary evidence about the precise functioning of "Secret Germany," but we do not need more than circumstantial evidence for our purposes. In this connection it is interesting to note that in May, 1924, when the 700th anniversary of the University of Naples, a University founded by Emperor Frederick II, was celebrated, a crown was found near the sarcophage of the Emperor in the Cathedral of Palermo with the following inscription:

"Seinein Kaiser und Helden
Das geheime Deutschland"

("To Their Emperor and Hero, from Secret Germany)"* [*From: E. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite, 1928]

This Secret Germany, whatever may be the form in which it functions today, may certainly be grateful to Emperor Frederick II, author of the Bull of Rimini, and thereby spiritual father of the Teutonic Order, who enabled Secret Germany to preserve to our times his mystic, world-spanning ambitions.

It is this Secret Germany, this Germany carrying on a centuries-old conspiracy, about which the Deputy Gareis spoke in 1921 in the Bavarian Landtag, and which caused his murder. It is this same Germany which, as we have seen, brought Hitler to power and has enabled him to appear in the eyes of the world as a great conqueror, or a great criminal—depending on the point of view.

If we assume the existence of a Secret Germany, the open Junker organizations like the Reichs-Landbund and the Herrenklub—which also derive from the Order of the thirteenth century-have only a secondary role, carrying out instructions of the secret group like all the other recently established societies which we have mentioned. But even if we disregard the circumstantial evidence which proves the actual survival of Secret Germany, we must admit that a straight line can be detected between the Teutonic Order of the thirteenth century and the Germany of today. In this latter case we must assume that the Reichs-Landbund and the Herrenklub are the final source of all decisions because they would be the highest in the hierarchy of all existing Prusso-Teutonic organizations. They would thus have the final responsibility for Germany's present-day role.

The facts set forth in this book support the former view.

The Barbarian Revolt

Before the advent of Hitler to power, the German Catholic thinker, Theodore Haecker, clearly recognized that Hitler was the faithful valet of the Prusso-Teutonic forces and that he would act in this capacity when he became head of Germany. Haecker considered the Prussian trend an evil German tradition, a kind of bastard tradition. Here is what Haeckcr wrote in December, 1932 (in Virgil, Father of the West):

"We are aware that we are living in dark times. We still have in us just enough light to be conscious of the darkness enveloping us; to perceive it through the heavy vapors rising from the second and third Reichs (Bismarck and Hitler: or we know that the advent of the Racists will inaugurate a new age of Humanity which they will baptize the third Reich) and which are exhaled by the impure, hollow declarations of our second and third-rate apostles and prophets of empire. At the bottom of these foul Messianic fermentations is no trace of spirituality [Geist] and even less of the Holy Ghost [Heiliger Geist]. Their sole excuse, perhaps, and even more the excuse of those they carry along in their train, is the spiritual and material distress in which we are living.

"The great trickery, the great fraud is this: from the hour that Prussia incarnated the idea of Empire, this idea of Empire changed in dimensions, ceased to be the common affair of the Christian West, and shrank to the compass of an internal affair, of the Germanic tribes of the Forest of Teutoburg . . . plebeian, cardinally vicious and perverted in its deep essence. From the beginning of its history Prussia has been a State, and nothing more than a State. A State stricken with hydrocephaly. She has never had any ethnic character. She has never been a race like Bavaria or Swabia. She has never been a people or a nation. She has never annexed a race, a people, a nation except by means of deceit . . . . * The Prussian State has introduced into the Germanic idea of the Reich elements which cause it to disintegrate internally, short-sighted State centralism, and an anti-Christian, bestial nationalism." [* The italics are mine. P.W.]

The entire background of what we consider the "Hitlerian" regime is here in the words of Haecker published two months before Hitler's accession to the chancellorship. Nazism may have represented many things since its beginning. Since January 30, 19337 it has been nothing more than "Prussianism" and lives only by the grace of Prusso-Teutonic forces which alone count in Germany.

Hitler and his acolytes have taken all the blame for whatever can be said against the Germany of today, while PrussoTeutonic Germany has succeeded in making the world almost forget that it ever existed-and certainly has succeeded in concealing the fact that it is still there, more than ever responsible for everything that is done in Germany's name.

The forces which in 1933 allowed Hitler's accession to power kept him there on condition that he serve their interests, and that he systematically pursue their cherished plans of conquest. They always preferred to work through some such figurehead, because, recognizing the possibility of a setback to their ambitions, they thought it preferable for others, rather than themselves, to be blamed for any failures. Thus, they would be able to reorganize their activities later under new guises.

Domination over all of Germany was the first goal which attracted the Prusso-Teutonics. Once this was accomplished the rest of the world was to be brought under control.

In what Prussianism has become through the ages it represents a "barbarian revolt" against all that is dear to us in Western culture. Whether Hitler is overthrown tomorrow or not, Prussianism will still be here in all its threatening reality, a real focus of evil which to this day has always escaped the surgeon's scalpel.

Unless, this time, we have the courage to cut out from its depth all of the putrid flesh. . . .

pps. 210-240
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[5] The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask























[5] The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask

The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask

Paul Winkler
Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943
New York
381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print

CHAPTER VI
THE LAST ACT OF THE
TRAGICOMEDY

ON MAY 30, 1932, Bruening resigned. Von Papen followed as Chancellor and was succeeded on December 2, 1932, by General von Schleicher. Von Papen's and Schleicher's governments were the last two before Hitler's advent to power on January 30, 1933. The main trends underlying these events were the following:

(a) When von Papen succeeded to power he expected to have Hitler's support. It was with this in mind that he had procured subsidies from the industrialists for Hitler. The latter's support would be very useful to him, for although he governed with the aid of Presidential "decrees of dissolution," no Chancellor could afford to dismiss the Reichstag too often. The Nazis were the most important party in the Reichstag. Although they did not have a majority at their disposal, their support was nevertheless of great value to a government head. Besides, Hitler was an excellent "bogeyman" who could serve to hold in check the parties of Germany's left, and intimidate countries abroad. The latter, under the effects of this intimidation, would be much more apt to make concessions to Germany in the direction desired by the Prusso-Teutonics. Von Papen figured that the bargain he had concluded with the Fuehrer was fair and satisfactory to both. He therefore expected it to last, the more so because Hitler could not hope to accede to power himself. Indeed the Marshal had pronounced an absolute veto of this possibility and the Reichswehr did not look upon it favorably either.

(b) Von Papen knew that he could count on the support of the real masters of Germany, the ruling Junker clique and heavy industry. He served them well and had no doubts about his reward. Also, he had been on an equal footing with Schleicher in the overthrow of Bruening, and the general accepted a place in his cabinet as Minister of the Reichswehr. The Reichswehr would therefore be behind him too. Possessing, in addition, Hindenburg's friendship and counting on Hitler's integrity, von Papen imagined that he would remain at the head of the government for many years.

(c) Von Papen, believing his regime to be a lasting one, let it be understood that he had plans reaching far into the future. To consolidate his position positively he projected a reform of the Weimar Constitution, a reform which would have procured him quasi-dictatorial powers and would have put an end to the parliamentary system, condemned to death by the Prusso-Teutonics. Then, in the field of foreign policy, von Papen recommended ideas in the direction of a "European Federation" under German control, and spoke of a rebirth of the Holy Roman Empire. He had not, of course, taken any of his ideas from Hitler but rather from purely Prusso-Teutonic sources. Nevertheless one may say that if he had been able to maintain himself in power he would have tried to carry out, internally as well as abroad, schemes almost identical to those which Hitler was to produce later.

The result would have been practically the same and probably Prussian Gennany under von Papen's control would have taken a direction about identical with the one she took under Hitler. True, von Papen would have carried out some of his plans at a different tempo, not possessing Hitler's brutally determined spirit. But what he lacked in brutality he compensated for in subtlety and his regime would doubtless have deceived foreign countries much longer. Hitler's one merit is that of having brought the danger into the foreground, into the public eye. The characteristic brutality of his expression and action has resulted in making the world aware of the threat for which actually the Prusso-Teutonic forces are responsible-more aware than if a more commonplace individual, von Papen, for example, had pursued the same course.

The reason why von Papen was not the one finally to put these plans into practice for the Prusso-Teutonics was that Hitler did not intend him to be. Hitler was incontestably the stronger of the two. He was not going to allow von Papen to get the credit for the performance, nor to content himself with the role of "bogeyman." He might consider this role but only if he could play it as a star. He had realized that von Papen expected to maintain himself in power as compensation for his faithful service to the Prusso-Teutonics. He therefore decided that he would not let him have that privilege: that he himself would occupy that post and serve the same interests with even greater devotion, allowing von Papen at most a position in the background.

Blackmail and Intrigue

The following sequence of events developed from the interplay of the motives discussed above:

1.—Von Papen organized his cabinet with Schleicher as Minister of War and representatives of the Junkers as holders of the greater number of portfolios. Von Papen dismissed the Reichstag and prepared, in agreement with Hitler, new elections in which the Nazis expected to increase their number of seats. The von Papen-Hitler alliance seemed firmly cemented.

2.—On July 2 0, 1932, von Papen forcibly removed from office the Socialist government of Prussia. As a reaction against the feudal powers secretly controlling public affairs, the people of Prussia had placed Socialist governments in power in the state of Prussia after the Great War. Since Prussia represented about two-thirds of the area and population of Germany, its Socialist governments were a nuisance to the feudal powers who intended to keep effective domination over Germany's affairs. By putting an end, with his coup d'Etat, to the contradictory situation existing in Prussia, von Papen rendered another important service to his friends. The Prime Minister of Prussia, Otto Braun, and Severing, Minister of Interior (both of whom were Socialists), were frightened by the terroristic acts of the PrussoTeutonics and did not dare to resist, although they had a considerable police force at their disposal. The legal excuse given by von Papen for his coup d'Etat was clearly on uncertain ground and was later invalidated by the Supreme Court of Leipzig. No matter; control of Prussian affairs was to remain in the future directly with the Reich.

3.—Von Papen managed to satisfy his "bosses" on all matters. Decrees authorized wage reductions. Osthilfe subsidies were granted wholesale to the Junkers. Satisfaction was given the Nazis as well: the measure calling for dispersal of the SA and SS, issued under Bruening, was suspended.

4—New elections were held on July 31. The Nazi is now obtained 230 seats in the Reichstag out of a total of 608. Hitler did not yet have a majority but he had nevertheless won the day. His future now looked most promising.

5.—On August 13, at von Papen's' suggestion, Hitler went to see President von Hindenburg. The Chancellor thought that Hindenburg's authority would be sufficient to persuade Hitler to accept a post within the cabinet. Von Papen hoped that as part of the government, Hitler would continue his support. Hitler told Hindenburg frankly that he did not want a subordinate place in the cabinet. He wanted to be Chancellor or nothing. Hindenburg went into a rage but it did no good. Hitler gave him to understand plainly that from that day on he would be on the opposing side. The Hitler-von Papen alliance was terminated for the time being. It had definitely served Hitler's purpose because he had obtained the new elections he wanted and had come out of these stronger than before. He had also avoided the dissolution of his "self-defense troops" which the previous regime had considered. Having secured what he wanted Hitler could now go into opposition to the government. From then on the government was again in danger.

6.—Hitler carried out his threat on September 12. The government met with a reverse in the Reichstag, Nazis and Communists voting against it. The result: 513 against, 32 for. Nevertheless von Papen did not resign; he dissolved Parliament. Elections were set for November 6. In the meantime von Papen arranged to have the industrialists cut off Hitler's subsidies. The Nazis would therefore find themselves in financial straits during the electoral campaign and the election returns would reflect this. Only twelve millions voted for the Nazis instead of the fourteen million at the last election, and as a result the National-Socialist party lost thirty-five seats.

7.— Von Papen, by forcing Hitler into elections without the financial aid he used to procure for him, hoped to put him into a position of inferiority. He expected that a new agreement with Hitler would thus be easier to achieve. The Nazi party was indeed passing through a severe moral and financial crisis. For the first time the most faithful members of the party began to doubt Hitler. Creditors became threatening. But the Nazis, in spite of their losses, were still the most important party in the Reichstag.

Von Papen thought he had brought Hitler into line and again offered him a post in the cabinet, even proposing to him the office of Vice-Chancellor. Hitler refused. He was still playing "all or nothing."

8.—The expedient of dissolving the Reichstag could not be repeated ad infinitum. Von Papen therefore put into execution an idea which he considered a stroke of genius. On November 17, 1932, he offered the President his resignation. He knew that he would be asked to form a new cabinet. He would take advantage of the crisis to prove that it was quite impossible to constitute a government which would have a majority in the Reichstag. Under such conditions it could be shown that if any government were to be stable and effective the constitution would have to be changed. Von Papen as Chancellor would receive under the new constitution quasi-dictatorial powers.

9.—A strong government might perhaps have been able to effect such a change in the constitution, equivalent, without the approval of the Reichstag, to a coup d'Etat. In order to establish a government of this nature it would have been essential for von Papen to be able to count on full aid of the Reichswehr. However, at the last moment this aid entirely failed him. Schleicher actually declared that he did not wish to be in the new cabinet. At first von Papen thought it was a trick. He continued to bargain with the General, who remained adamant, his position taken. Under such conditions there remained no choice for von Papen but to announce, on November 30, that he was unable to organize a new cabinet.

10.—By leaving office von Papen thought he was taking a step which would add to his prestige; he expected to return some day. He retained Hindenburg's confidence, as well as that of the Junker-heavy industry group. He did not feel too strongly against Hitler for not supporting him, for the Nazi leader had for a long time given him plainly to understand that he was not disposed to cooperate except on condition that top place be reserved for him. As for Schleicher, who had stabbed him in the back, von Papen wished to wreak vengeance upon him at the first opportunity.

11.—What had inspired Schleicher's attitude? Negotiations with Gregor Strasser, Hitler's second-in-command as head of the Nazi party, had been the cause. For a long time Strasser had been dissatisfied with Hitler's close connections with the Junkers and heavy industry. He knew that these connections had of late been passing through von Papen. As we have seen, Strasser still held to the old "Socialist" conception of his party and would have liked to free it of its servitude to the Prusso-Teutonics, toward whom he had always been critical. With this aim, he inclined in the direction of an alliance with Schleicher who willingly let himself be designated as the "Socialist General."

Such was the integrity of Strasser that he kept Hitler informed of his negotiations with Schleicher. Hitler encouraged them, for he saw in them a good way to separate Schleicher from von Papen. Urged forward by Strasser, and indirectly by Hitler, Schleicher had formulated a plan to organize the cabinet himself, succeeding von Papen, whom he dropped from then on, and taking Strasser with him as Vice-Chancellor. Hitler pretended to be willing to accept this combination, but stated his conditions.

12.—While waiting for the matter of Gregor Strasser's entry into his cabinet to be settled, Schleicher organized his government on December 2, hoping Strasser would join him in a few days. One of Hitler's conditions had been that Strasser ascertain, before accepting the post of Vice-Chancellor, that Hindenburg's veto regarding himself was still valid. Schleicher took Strasser to the Marshal, who gave him his word of honor that "the Austrian corporal would never be ReichsChancellor." Strasser considered the matter definitely verified. He informed Hitler of his interview and awaited Hitler's permission to accept the post of Vice-Chancellor.

Hitler was to arrive in Berlin on December 8 to discuss the question. Strasser waited in vain at the station. Hitler was not on the train. Later in the day Hitler rushed to Strasser's house and violently reproached him, accusing him of having lied. Hitler said that he had just seen von Papen, who had assured him that Hindenburg's word had not been final.

Since then Otto Strasser has recounted his brother's interpretation of this scene. Gregor, very devoted to Hitler, could never see the full extent of his Machlavellism and attributed Hitler's reproaches to the intrigues of Goering and Goebbels. Indeed Goering and Goebbels had for some time been very jealous of the position occupied by Strasser in the party. Strasser, still confident of Hitler's good faith, felt that only under the influence of Goering and Goebbels could Hitler have believed that his most faithful lieutenant had lied to him.

Actually it is plain that Hitler, in spite of Strasser's interpretation, had been putting on an act during all these discussions. He had never had any intention of allowing Strasser to accept the office of Vice-Chancellor, for he knew that this would give Strasser practically first place in the party, which would not have suited him at all. Moreover, by entering the cabinet Strasser would considerably fortify Schleicher's position, and this again would not be to Hitler's advantage. Hitler had nevertheless pretended to approve of Strasser's negotiations, only for the purpose of eventually separating Schleicher and von Papen. Once Schleicher's cabinet had been formed and this separation accomplished, he could afford to reverse his position. The scene he had played before Strasser when he spoke of lies and betrayal, and quoted the testimony of von Papen, Goering, and Goebbels, was merely one of those sensational, dramatic stunts which Hitler always uses to good advantage when he wants to extricate himself from a difficult situation. Strasser let himself be deluded (like so many before and after him) into believing in the sincerity of the actor he was watching.

13.—Gregor Strasser was too weary to continue the struggle. Grieved and deeply shocked that Hitler should believe him a liar, he resigned his position in the party and left for a vacation in Italy. Hitler rubbed his hands with satisfaction; everything had gone as he had hoped. The danger of a strong Schleicher cabinet had been avoided and he could now study the best means of ultimately compromising the "Socialist General."

14.—Schleicher resigned himself to the fact that he could not count on direct aid from Gregor Strasser to improve the position of his government. However, he thought that his tie with the Reichswehr was enough to give him the requisite strength. He did not realize that Hitler, considering him a dangerous rival, had decided his fate. Hitler did not attack in the open, although he had at his disposal in the Reichstag the necessary strength to lead such an attack against Schleicher with every chance of success. But for Schleicher a Reichstag defeat would have been "honorable." As its sole consequence he would have been forced to resign temporarily, with nothing to prevent him from returning to power later.

15.—The only positive way to prevent any return of Schleicher would be to compromise him in the eyes of the forces actually in control of affairs: the Prusso-Teutonics. The left wing of his party again became the unconscious tool of Hitler. Nazi delegates of Strasser's group (that is, anti-Junker) introduced a question in the Reichstag on the matter of the Osthilfe abuses. General Ludendorff, whose ties to Hitler were well known, led a violent campaign against Hindenburg concerning the circumstances surrounding the deed of gift to Neudeck. In this way Ludendorff gratified his personal jealousy of Hindenburg. For Hitler, this was but one additional use of blackmail to enable him to succeed to power.

Schleicher also fell into the trap. Believing-as Hitler intended he should-that these attacks had been launched with Hitler's consent, he hoped to secure legislative support from the Nazis by promoting the airing of the scandal in the Reichstag and the press. The Socialists, glad of an opportunity to deal the Junkers a blow, joined in the chorus.

16.-Meanwhile Hitler, directly and through the medium of Goering and Goebbels, maintained close contact with von Papen and through him with the Junkers. He pointed out that Schleicher represented a danger to them because he was favoring the exposure of the Osthilfe affair. The fact that the flames of this campaign were constantly fanned by Hitler's own acolytes did not embarrass him at all. He explained that he could discipline the fanatics in his party and guarantee that such incidents would not recur in the future only if he were appointed to the office of Chancellor.

17.—It was all blackmail, but von Papen was thinking only of his revenge on Schleicher. Besides he had finally realized that Hitler would accept nothing short of the Chancellorship. Hitler, needing von Papen's contacts with the Junkers and the industrialists, had given him to understand that he would be quite ready to cooperate with him on condition that von Papen content himself with a secondary role. The Westphalian was probably already resigned to this. He did not feel himself quite equal to a contest with Hitler and preferred to have him as a friend rather than an enemy. A decisive interview took place between the two men in Cologne, at the home of Baron Schroeder, financier of the heavy industry. Hitler gave assurances to his interlocutors that if he were granted the reins of power he would put an end to the socialistic sallies of his party's left wing.

18.—Von Papen had no difficulty in persuading his friends, the Junkers and industrialists, that they should henceforth place their bets on Hitler. Only the latter was ready to guarantee that the Osthilfe scandal would no longer be discussed. Besides, Hitler could carry out as well as he—or perhaps even better, he must admit—the scheme already outlined by von Papen on which the entire Prussian clique had agreed: constitutional reform with complete concentration of power in the hands of the Chancellor, continuation of the work of rearmament behind the screen of Germany's financial isolation, inaugurated in 1931; and finally, reconstruction by stages of the Germanic Holy Roman Empire. All this had hitherto constituted the Prusso-Teutonic scheme as expounded by von Papen. Hitler would take charge of it thenceforth for the benefit of the same silent partners.

19.—On January 12, Schleicher was "guest of honor" at the Landbund banquet. A Landbund bulletin was passed around containing a violent attack on the Chancellor. Schleicher demanded an explanation. It was not given. He was made to feel that the article expressed the feelings of the Landbund members and that was all. Schleicher rose and left the hall accompanied by the generals present. He still did not understand that his fate was already sealed. Junkers and the Landbund had let themselves be persuaded by von Papen, and in the end by Hitler, that Schleicher was dangerous to their interests.

He did not realize that nothing could save him now, that only the method of his departure was left to be arranged. Jan Bargenhusen writing in the magazine Die Weltbuehne* on January 24, 1933, said:

"The amount of personal authority with which Schleicher assumed office is already terribly diminished. The Landbund in particular has treated him badly . . ." Bargenhusen concluded his article with the words: "The German Reich is a Republic. All power comes from the Landbund." [ * Published by C. von Ossietzky, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, who was later to die in a concentration camp.]

20.—The last act of the tragicomedy took place at the presidential palace. Hindenburg still was hesitating about dropping Schleicher, who seemed to have the generals' support. But his son, Oscar, made it clear that Schleicher was promoting revelations about the Neudeck affair and if that continued, a scandal very embarrassing to father and son might well break out. True, the army still favored Schleicher, but on the other hand the Junkers were absolutely against him and this counted much more. Faced with these considerations the aged Marshal no longer hesitated. On January 28, 1933,


Schleicher asked Hindenburg for the famous decree, signed in advance, which provided for dissolution of the Reichstag. This decree had been granted his predecessors who had ruled with the aid of the threat it contained. Schleicher had no doubt that it was a simple formality and that the decree would be granted him without difficulty. But Hindenburg refused, and Schleicher understood that the President had withdrawn his confidence. He was deeply hurt and resigned.

21.-Nothing remained to be done but to appoint his successor. Von Papen was prepared to let Hitler have the post. The Junkers agreed. Heavy industry agreed. Why shouldn't they, since there was no other candidate available to accomplish what had been planned?

22.—Only Hindenburg was still unable to reach a decision. He had given his word of honor that the "Austrian corporal" would not be Chancellor. The Junkers therefore arranged a final stunt to speed things up. On January 30, 1933, one of their leaders, Count von Alvensleben, rushed to the Presidential palace with the "scoop" that Schleicher had put himself in command of the Potsdam Garrison and was marching on Berlin to arrest Oscar von Hindenburg, Papen, and Hitler. The "news" was pure fabrication but it had its effect. Under the stress of emotion Hindenburg finally consented to have Hitler form a government with von Papen as Vice-Chancellor. The Nazi regime was born.


On January 30, 1933, began the Gleichschaltung. The various parties were liquidated in succession and a single party, the Nazi party, was left. Henceforth it was to be the only front for the interests which had promoted its rise to power.

People had the impression that from then on Hitler was sole master of Germany. Everyone wondered at the ease with which he had gained possession of the helm, meeting with no resistance either from left or right. They forgot that the

leftist parties, weakened by underground efforts of the secret societies, were no longer prepared to resist.

As for the forces behind the rightist parties, these had all agreed to consider the Nazi party as their front for the future. No other parties would be necessary. The old garments had served their purpose. They could be thrown away.

pps. 197-209

==cont==

Peace,
K