[1] The Thousand-Year Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the MaskThe Thousand-Year Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the MaskPaul Winkler
Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943
New York
381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print
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"I know no way of judging the future but by the past."
PATRICK HENRY
[Speech at the Virginia Assembly, May 1765]
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This amazing and engrossing book undertakes to show that Nazism should not be regarded as simply the product of some "spontaneous, generation" of Adolf Hitler's evil genius, since Hitler’s ideas had all. been voiced before in Germany, but that there was a common inspiration of these ideas that had its roots deep in German history.
Paul Winkler's researches show that these roots go back a millennium. The book takes its title from the words of a deputy in the Bavarian Landtag who, in 1921, when Hitler was still a nonentity, announced in the Parliament that the sheaf of documents he held in his hand was evidence of a conspiracy going back a thousand years, a conspiracy he intended to expose. A few days afterwards, before his scheduled speech could be delivered, he was assassinated, apparently by the very influences he was determined to unmask. His murderers went unpunished; his evidence was never revealed. The secret forces continued along their hidden way, and eighteen years later embarked openly on world conquest.
The researches on which this book is based undoubtedly include the murdered deputy's evidence, with much more of even greater importance. From Paul Winkler's studies emerge the contours of a conspiracy, very old but very real—a conspiracy whose existence, though fantastic at first thought, is the only 'possible explanation of the present-day facts of Nazism. It is the secret Germany of the "Prusso-Teutonics", whose roots reach back beyond the days of the Crusades. This secret Germany has been obscured for long periods of European history, but it has lived on continuously for centuries, always rising to dominance again and consistently driving its people along paths completely divergent from those taken by the other peoples of Western Civilization.
Shedding new light on European history as it does, this is a book of the very broadest significance. Its message must be grasped if we are to shape the future.
About the Author
The first ambition of Paul Winkler, a European journalist who came to this country in 1940, was to become a biologist. World War I put an end to that for he realized that the period which followed it would be one of unrest and he preferred writing and journalism to scientific isolation. The chief reason for his preference was a desire to spread an understanding of vital problems throughout a wide public. Soon after the war he founded a newspaper feature syndicate which fifteen years later had grown to be Europe's largest. He was also the second largest magazine publisher in France and he continued always to write widely on the subjects which interested him. His
acquaintance with European statesmen was extensive and he acted as Eduoard Herrioes adviser in press matters. When Germany turned Nazi in 1933, Paul Winkler was not one of the many who believed Hitler's Stormtroopers were an entirely new phenomenon. He had been interested in Germany ever since the last war and had spent several months in the Ruhr with the French army of occupation. Hitler he remembered from his early days in Munich where he was a correspondent for a time. He made several visits to Austria and watched the first systematic steps toward Anschluss. In the ante-chambers of the League of Nations and during its sessions he watched the Machiavellian maneuvers of the German delegates. In 1935 he covered the Saar plebiscite. And the more he saw of the present developments in Germany the more convinced Paul Winkler became that the explanation of Hitler and the Nazis lay far behind the Versailles Treaty. He turned to historical research and spent several years working at the Sorbonne, of which he is a graduate, at the Bibliothique Nationale and at the British Museum. His book was nearly completed when the Germans invaded France and he was forced to destroy first, his notes, and then his entire manuscript. After Mr. Winkler came to this country, he at once began anew on "The Thousand Year Conspiracy: Secret Germany Behind the Mask". He is now head of the Press Alliance, a newspaper syndicate very much like the one he had in France.
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Foreword
This book attempts to contribute to the work of identification of the forces behind Nazism. It results from research undertaken to substantiate this hypothesis: that Nazism is not the product of some "spontaneous generation" crystallized by Hitler's evil genius; and that it is not-as it has often been described-simply a reaction to the harsh terms of the Versailles treaty; finally, that Nazism does not derive from some basic trait of the German character.
Chapter I is introductory: It presents a few characteristic quotations from German writers of the past one hundred and fifty years. These passages, all written by members of what may be called the Prussian School, are evidence that Mein Kampf is merely a rehash of ideas frequently expressed before Hitler voiced them. But what was the common inspiration of these earlier authors? In seeking an answer to this question, we first perceive the contours of the conspiracy—very old but very real. Its existence-fantastic, at first thought -remains the only possible explanation of the facts.
Chapters II-VII are an attempt to retrace this centuriesold conspiracy, the actual subject of this book. Chapters II and III examine in particular the hidden forces responsible for the rise of Prussia and the Germany of Bismarck and Wilhelm II. Chapter IV introduces the "Fehme," the blood tribunal of the Middle Ages, into the picture. Chapters V, VI and VII show that Hitler's rise to power would have been impossible had not Hitler placed himself and his movement at the service of the Prusso-Teutonic forces.
In Chapters VIII, IX and X, the effort is made to search out behind the specific subject-the "actual conspiracy"—its fundamental basis. Whatever may have appeared earlier to be a fortuitous development now takes its proper place within an evolution which derives from basic, organic causes. In these chapters we seek the reasons why the Prusso-Teutonic forces have pursued paths completely divergent from those taken by the other peoples of Western civilization. Here we face the "forces behind the forces."
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CHAPTER I
THE CONSPIRACY AND
ITS MIRROR
IN 1921Nazism was still in its infancy and rather harmless. During one of the sessions of the Bavarian "Landtag" (Parliament), the Deputy Gareis, with a heavy pile of documents in his hands, made a statement to the other Deputies which none of them seemed able to understand: "I have here the evidence of a thousand years' conspiracy-evidence which I shall present to you shortly."
A few days later Gareis was murdered. The criminal escaped punishment and the incident was practically forgotten. The evidence to which Gareis had referred was never revealed.
It was eighteen years after this, in 1939, that German military might began its goose-stepping march across the borders of Poland, Norway, Holland, Belgium, France, Yugoslavia, Greece. Today it is bent upon world conquest.
The forces which launched Germany on the path of conquest are those which were behind the murder of the obscure Bavarian Deputy. Those responsible for the conspiracy which Gareis mentioned decided-when he sought to unmask them -to destroy him. It was these men-all members of the same conspiratorial group-who, some eighteen years later, decided that the time was ripe to place world mastery in German hands.
Hitler and Nazism had very little to do with this conspiracy, although they occupy the present spotlight. This is not to suggest that Hitler and his party have not been important factors in all the decisive actions for which—during the last nine years -Germany has been responsible. But these men are only tools in the hands of much more powerful forces. We shall have a great deal to say later about these forces-the "PrussoTeutonic" groups and organizations.
If we want to win this war we must see our enemy clearly -and we cannot cure a sick world unless we understand the true nature of the disease. To destroy the evil we must first identify it. And this will be of equal importance even when the war is over and our problem is to win the peace.
The Forerunners of "Mein Kampf"
We intend to start this identification with the forerunners of Mein Kampf. We cannot expect to locate the roots of the evil in the literary field. But literature is a good mirror of much deeper currents.* [* All quotations in this chapter from German and French authors are my own translations. Italics are liberally used for the sake of emphasis. All italics are mine. P.W.]
The writings of Treitschke and von Bernhardi and of the other authors of the Pan Germanic school were widely discussed in the United States and England before and during the last World War. Their connection, however, with the whole evolution of the Prussian idea-from the thirteenth century up to Nazism-has in general not been sufficiently emphasized.
Mein Kampf is a significant work from many points of view, but this work and its author, Hitler, are not the source of all evil in present-day Germany. In 1913, more than ten years before the publication of this work, General von Bernhardi, who had enormous influence on the army and the younger generation of Germany, stated in his book, Our Future: "For us there are two alternatives and no thirdworld dominion or ruin."
Surplus Population as a Springboard
In Germany and the Next War, published in 1912, General von Bernhardi had this to say:
"Strong, healthy and flourishing nations constantly increase the number of their population; consequently they will be faced, after a given moment, with the necessity of extending their borders, of acquiring new land, in order to settle the overflowing population. However, since the Earth is almost completely settled by this time, acquisition of new land can be gained only at the expense of its present occupants-that is through conquest-which becomes a law of necessity.
"The right of conquest is universally recognized. At first this can be effected through peaceful means; overpopulated countries pour out streams of emigrants into other lands and territories. These emigrants, while submitting to the laws of the new land, try to create favorable living conditions for themselves to the detriment of the original inhabitants and in competition with them. This means conquest.
"Finally, the right to conquer through war has always been recognized. When an increasing population cannot acquire colonial lands from their primitive and uncivilized occupants, and if it is nevertheless desirable to retain for the State the surplus population which can no longer be supported, there is only one thing left to do-self-preservation will force this nation to war and to the conquest of foreign lands. Right no longer belongs to the possessor, but rather to those who are victorious in war. . . .
". . . In such cases, right belongs to those who have strength either to maintain or to conquer. Might is the highest law. Before its tribunal war is the gauge of strength-war whose decisions are always biologically just since they evolve from the very essence of all things. . . . Even from the point of view of Christianity, one would come to the same conclusion. True Christian morality is of course based on the creed of love: 'Love God above all, and thy neighbor as thyself.' This law, however, can claim no validity insofar as relations between nations are concerned, since, when applied to politics, it would surely lead to a conflict of allegiances. For an individual to profess love for another country would in most cases result in a negating of love for the people of his own country. A political system based on such foundations would surely be subject to the worst aberrations. Christian morality is personal and social, and can never become a political reality. It strives to develop the ethical personality, and to give it strength, so that this personality can live altruistically, in the interests of a community."
The cynical frankness of von Bernhardi is as great as Hitler's cynicism. Both resort to hypocrisy when their deductions are too unpalatable for their public. Both consider their special moral conception above discussion and consequently do not discuss it.
It is evident from the General's text that he looks upon emigration of surplus population only as a provisional remedy and that his solution consists of perpetual conquest. He prefers conquest, which "preserves" the surplus population "for the State"—and when he speaks of "State" he is thinking, of course, of the German State. He does not explain what natural law makes it necessary to preserve this surplus population for the State, nor why it cannot be peaceably integrated with the populations of other nations if there is no room left in the homeland. That "you wish to preserve them for the State" is a premise which needs no justification for this preacher of Germanism and Prussianism. "The very essence of the State is power," further declares von Bernhardi and, quoting Treitschke, that other great theoretician of German power, adds: "anyone not sufficiently virile to face this truth squarely has no right to meddle with politics."
Not for a moment does von Bernhardi consider limiting the populations of nations reproducing too rapidly. On the contrary, his point of departure is that "strong, healthy, flourishing nations increase their numbers."
In this, the conclusion is implicit: the German people, obviously strong, healthy and flourishing, will always have excess population, and consequently will ceaselessly have to annex territory until they dominate the world. "World dominion or ruin," the final tragic alternative of von Bernhardi's, implies, of course, that if Germany does not succeed in dominating the world, another country will perform this task, which awaits the strongest; and in that case the Germans will go to their ruin. Facing this choice, which he believes inevitable, his decision is made.* [*Note at this point what von Bernhardi considered to be the first step toward world dominion: "In one way or another we must settle with France in order that we can gain that military freedom of action so necessary to our world politics. This is the first and most necessary demand for healthy German politics, and since the traditional French hatred for us can never be overcome through peaceful means, we must conquer it by sheer force of arms. France must be so thoroughly beaten that she will never be able to Stand in our way."]
War as a Necessity
Von Bernhardi's "indispensable" conquest can be accomplished only by war and the General believed that war should be not a defensive but an offensive operation-or rather, outright aggression. He cites the Prussian example as proof of this:
"Indeed, the foundation for Prussia's strength was established by the Great Elector ** through successful wars of his own choice. Frederick the Great continued in the glorious tradition of his noble ancestor. . . . Of all the wars through which he led his people not one was forced upon him; he never tried to delay the start of any of these wars. In order to deprive his foe of the advantage of the first movement he would take the initiative by attacking so that he could assure himself the best chance of success. How successful he was is well known. Had he lacked this heroic decisiveness, the entire historical development of European nations, and of mankind, would have taken a different turn." [** Friedrich Wilhelm (1640-88).]
Given such a state of mind the conclusions of present-day pacifists-to the effect that "War doesn't pay," or "If the Treaty of Versailles had not been so harsh, this war would never have broken out"—prove singularly impotent.
But General von Bernhardi did not invent anything himself. He only reduced to a formula a mode of thought cherished by a series of German predecessors. A century earlier Dietrich von Buclow (1757-1807), in Modern Methods of War, using a style cleverly veiling, by technical military terms, purposes none may doubt, said: "If the amount of military resources must sooner or later decide victory, it is obvious that little nations cannot succeed against the big ones, better equipped with war materials. In ancient times courage and discipline compensated for the inequalities of mass power among nations. . . . Today, however, all moral strength, all individual military talent of the small in number necessarily fails against the great. It is necessary, of course, to make good use of your own superiority of numbers in accordance with modern methods of war, but it remains certain that in modem battle the weak have never conquered the strong unless the latter have made some mistake. Besides, these modern methods of war have been developed only very recently. We shall know better how to benefit from all these advantages in the future.
"Great empires are not only wealthier. Their natural frontiers are more extensive than those of small, neighboring states. It happens frequently that a smaller state is completely enclosed within the borders of the larger one. . . . What a double advantage for the latter!
"I refer here only to small adjoining states, for in the nature of things, it is first necessary to attack one's neighbor before coming to more distant States. If this rule is not observed countries separating two main adversaries may declare them-selves either with or against the great empire. Should they declare themselves against this power everything is changed, since a coalition of little States is equivalent to one big State. Even in such a case, however, the concentration of power and coercive means in the hands of a single political body may still give the great power a military advantage over any federa-tion of independent States."
Despite the reservations stated in these last lines, if leaders of all the little States successively engulfed by Hitler had taken the trouble to reread these words in time they might perhaps have been able to decide upon a common course of action instead of maintaining an illusory neutrality until their fall.
To get people to accept the idea of "perpetual war" (indispensable for the achievement of perpetual conquest), philosophical, or at least biological, arguments are needed. German science finds them, and demonstrates that the state of war is but a process of natural selection, permitting the human race to improve itself. Thus von Bernhardi states: "Without war, inferior or degenerate races could easily pollute and weaken all healthy, vital elements by their weedlike growth, and a general decline would be the result. 'War,' says A. W. von Schlegel, 'is as necessary as the struggle of elements in nature.’”
Heinrich von Treitschke (1834-1896), like von Bernhardi, had great influence on the thinking of the generations of Germans immediately preceding Nazism.
Treitschke is a conspicuous example of what is known as "Prussianism." We shall see later what significance the formation of "Prussianism" had in the evolution of German thought. Specifically we shall see that "Prussianism" is much less an ethnic reality than a special state of mind, a crystallization of thought that has* developed over the course of centuries through some remarkable process. Close examination of Prussianism will permit us to see more clearly into numerous details of the German problem.
Treitschke, this typical Prussian, was not legitimately a Prussian at all. Son of a Saxon general, descended on his father's side from a recently Germanized Czech family (a fact he was reluctant to admit), Treitschke was powerfully attracted to the Prussian way of thinking. This Prussian by vocation deemed that only Prussia possessed the necessary strength to dominate all the other German States and lead Germany toward the conquests he so ardently desired.
Concerning the concept of war and its role in the existence of nations, Treitschke preached thus to future generations:
"War is not only a practical necessity, but is also a theoretical necessity, an exigency of logic. The concept of a State implies the concept of war, since the essence of a State is power. The State is the people organized into a sovereign power. . . .
"A State which renounces war and which in advance submits to an international tribunal gives up this sovereign power, that is, its very self. Whoever dreams of permanent peace asks for something not only unachievable but absurd; he commits an error of elementary reasoning. . . .
"War, it is true, may alienate nations from one another and yet, to a certain extent, it brings them closer together, by making them acquainted with their own and their neighbors' resources. War as an intermediary among nations is often more effective than universal trade. A nation which clings to the visionary hope of everlasting peace will inevitably end in decay within its haughty isolation. History builds and destroys tirelessly; never weary, she exhumes humanity's divine treasures from the ruins of ancient worlds in order to restore them to a new world. To whoever may believe in this perpetual growth, in the eternal youth of our race, it is quite evident that war is an inevitable necessity.
"That war should be forever banished from the earth is not only an absurd hope but profoundly immoral. If it were ever realized, we should witness atrophy of many essential, sublime forces in the human soul, and transformation of the terrestrial sphere into a vast temple of selfishness . . .
"On the other hand, the State has the right to consider itself an end, since it contains the essential conditions for prosperous social life . . .
"Every people, and particularly one of high cultural development, runs the risk, during a long period of peace, of degenerating into egotism. Such a race should consider a great and righteous war which fate may send them as a favor, but the more the comfortable habits of social existence have crept into their spirit, the rougher the counter-blow may seem.
"I have said 'fate may send them a war,' because the reason the value of this cruel remedy is so rarely appreciated is that no doctor among mankind dares prescribe war as a beneficial potion for a sick people.
"As soon as a nation hears the echo of this cry of alarm: 'The State is in peril-our existence is threatened!' then awakens the highest virtue, courage of sacrifice which may never be so freely or widely displayed in times of peace. . . .
"Among the thousands of men engaging in battle, blindly obeying the will of 'All,' each is aware how little his life is worth compared to the glory of the State; each feels himself hemmed in by profound forces which dominate him. From this, in every important war, will spring deep religious feelings, and the sublime spectacle, incomprehensible to pure reason, of enemy armies, praying to the same God for victory.
"The grandeur of war is to be found in these acts considered shocking by a debilitated civilization.
"Men who have never done each other any harm, who accord one another the high esteem one owes his chivalrous enemies, kill each other. They sacrifice in this line of duty not only their lives, but what is infinitely more painful, natural sentiment, the instinctive love for humanity, and horror of blood. The insignificant self, with all its noble and base instincts, must sink into the will of the 'All.'
"I ask of whoever may find this barbaric: why, then, has no great beneficial idea of political or religious freedom ever been accepted by men without christening by blood? And why has war been, in every age, the favorite theme of the arts?"
The cynicism of Treitschke's reasoning is remarkable: war, in itself, is a blessing, but it would be dangerous to confess it to the people (". . . the reason the value of this remedy is so rarely appreciated is that no doctor among mankind dares to prescribe war as a beneficial potion for a sick people"). Instead of such a frank admission the cry of alarm is sounded: "The State is in peril—our existence is threatened," and people rush into war with enthusiasm.
It would be an illusion to believe that Treitschke speaks in the abstract, or that his purpose is to develop theories to benefit humanity. Reasoning in this manner, he hopes to benefit only his own people ("our race," as he has already expressed it), whose fate alone concerns him: "To whoever may believe in this perpetual growth, in the eternal youth of our race, it is quite evident that war is an inevitable necessity." This was written in 1869.
The opinions of Treitschke and von Bernhardi are not isolated phenomena, but derive from distant sources. And if we admit that Mein Kampf merely outlines clearly the objectives of a certain Germany, without adding anything really new, it is interesting to note that Hitler's spiritual ancestors were in turn descended from a long line of thinkers of similar leanings.
It was a mistake on the part of the Western world not to attach in time sufficient importance to this type of thoughtwhich was in violent contradiction to the basic ideas of Western civilization. Doubtless people were lulled by the illusion that such thinking represented purely theoretical fantasies of
a few German scholars. They were not able to see that actually such thoughts were extremely significant manifestations of a state of mind having its roots in the distant past; and that these manifestations might in turn result in a very particular and very dangerous way of thinking in future German generations.
Later we shall discuss the early, fundamental causes of German aggressiveness. For the moment let us review briefly more recent spiritual ancestors of Hitler, contemporaries and predccessors of Treitschke and von Bernhardi.
Starvation as a Springboard
Friedrich List (1789-1864), along with several minor economists active around 1840, was responsible for formulating the principal theories on which present-day German economic conquest is based.
After emigrating to Pennsylvania and becoming an American citizen, List was concerned only with Germany's greatness. He returned to Germany in 1840 to publish there his principal work, in which he outlined the basis for his National System of Political Economy. Violently opposed to the principle of free trade because it gives the same advantages to weak as to strong nations, he would welcome its use without reservation within the continent of Europe, once the continent were dominated by Berlin; and he had high hopes that this would be achieved as soon as possible. So far as his own age was concerned, however, he was an extreme protectionist and advocated development of new industry in Germany-through high protective tariffs raised against competition of foreign countries. He took into full account the risk of losing Germany's foreign markets, since protectionism always provokes reprisals. His remedy is simple: stimulate tremendous expansion of Germany, including conquest of Europe, acquisition of colonies in Australia, New Zealand, India and the Americas. Then Germany would no longer have to fear that she might lack foreign markets in a protectionist world.
According to List a nation must conquer all countries lying in its sphere of economic action-by degrees, but steadily; and this sphere of action is defined as every territory which may serve as outlet, or which contains raw materials the nation may need. In the long run this becomes perpetual conquest, for eventually every foreign country, however distant, represents a potential export market, or is a producer of useful raw materials. In the ideas of List, we find the economic basis for General von Bernhardi's thesis: "For us there are two alternatives 'and no third-world dominion or ruin." And here too is to be found the complete outline of Germany's recent and present economic attitude-the old thesis, slightly improved upon by Dr. Schacht.
The process is simple. Schacht's Germany settled into a system of the most absolute protectionism, the system so dear to List. This was accomplished through methods more modem and effective than tariffs. Germany was the first country, after the World War, to return to exchange control, adopting it not because of any financial need, but deliberately, in order to create a system of total protectionism. The old-fashioned protectionist use of high tariffs to discourage imports becomes outdated. Imports are now made practically impossible: the State releases no currency to private business to cover cost of imports purchased abroad, with the single exception of certain raw materials or tools considered by the State to be absolutely indispensable. As in all systems of protectionism, the population of the country whose production is thus "protected" must suffer: and their suffering becomes more acute the more the system is improved. Soon the world is accused of starving the German people, and of withholding raw materials necessary to German industries. (No mention is made of the fact that these materials had been available to Germany in a world of free exchange-the system she was the first to deviate from and that her importers, on a free monetary market, could have obtained the necessary funds to pay for any quantity of raw materials.) Germany is pictured as "deprived of her place in the sun." Thus a favorable psychological atmosphere is created within the country and abroad as well, to prepare for world conquest "by degrees, yet steadily," as outlined by List. The achievement of List's plan for the future is considerably advanced by the repetition of the specious statement to the German people: "Poor Germany must starve unless she succeeds in dominating the other nations."
List bolsters the self-confidence of his compatriots by asserting that a specific determinism demands supremacy of the German race. According to him, the Latin races, under French influence, and the Slavic nations led by Russia, have not the power for domination. Germanic races, among which he included Anglo-Saxons and Germans, possess this power to the greatest extent. Of the two, his choice is simple: Germany must supplant England; build a powerful fleet, extend her colonizing to all corners of the world; and finally unite all other Europeans against English supremacy, so that she can direct the destiny of the world.
Charles Andler, a French author, summed up certain ideas of List in his work, The Origins of Pan-Germanism, published in 1915: * [* Charles Andler, Les origines du Pan-Germanisme, Paris, 1915]
"It is necessary to organize continental Europe against England. Napoleon I, a great strategist, also knew the methods of economic hegemony. His continental system, which met with opposition even from countries which might have profited from such an arrangement, should be revived, but, this time, not as an instrument of Napoleonic domination. The idea of uniting Europe in a closed trade bloc is no longer shocking if Germany assumes domination over such a bloc-and not France. Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, willingly or by force, will enter this 'Customs Federation.' Austria is assumed to be won over at the outset. Even France, if she gets rid of her notions of military conquest, will not be excluded. The first steps the Confederation would take to assure unity of thought and action would be to establish a joint representative body, as well as to organize a common fleet. But of course, both the headquarters of the Federation and its parliamentary seat would be in Germany.
"At once the sharing of common commercial advantages would begin. List proposes something like a cooperative league of nations, in which all profits would be distributed in proportion to investments. European vitality, intelligence and order would put the Far East to good use. Oriental ports would become 'Free cities' where European agents would deal with native authorities in the capacity of advisors duly accredited and diplomatically protected. Austria would extend its borders to the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. A German navy would be built up. Prussian colonies would be established in Australia and New Zealand, where England has firmly planted her flag but has failed to exploit resources. How could England resist all the navies and the concentrated economic power of a united Central Europe?
"Since Germany possesses a greater stock of vital energy and superior economic ability to that of any other nation one may guess which nation would be likely to benefit most from this association,—an association which was to be based on the principle of equal privilege for all members."
Various firsthand reports have given us a fairly accurate picture of the manner in which Nazi Germany is applying the principle of "economic collaboration" to the "occupied" countries, and how, through her agents, she has seized control of all the great industries of France, Belgium and Holland. We have also seen how she has allowed the whole of her economic policy to be dictated by Dr. Schacht. All this indicates clearly that Hitler is merely applying the century-old theories of List in the economic sphere.
The Origin of the "Lebensraum" Theory
Ernst-Moritz Arndt (1769-1860) as early as 1803, in his work Germania and Europe, expressed political ideas based on the "right of the strongest," highly significant for the future. He believed that each nation owed it to itself to take advantage of every opportunity for imposing its will. Nations which allow such an opportunity to slip by deserve spoliation by their neighbors. "A State," says Arndt, "must first have a stable foundation, geographically speaking, and develop further according to rules of chance, and by virtue of its own character. The only restrictions laid down for the State are those of climate and surrounding territories. Yes, each State has the right to make strong representations to its neighbors, should the latter unjustly seize air and light necessary to its growth and development."
Arndt expresses himself "euphemistically" about a point of view which might appear too brutally direct to a section of the public. Hitler, who commits the gravest injustices in the name of "justice" and "equality of rights," has drawn excellent inspiration from Arndt's methods. His "Lebensraum" is a mask for the simple will-to-conquer, as was Arndt's "right (for each State) to make strong representations to its neighbors should the latter unjustly seize air and light necessary to its growth and development." It is evident too that in speaking of 44 each State" Arndt had Germany, and particularly Prussia, in mind.
We shall see what a great influence the Teutonic Knights of the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries had on the evolution of the Germany we know. It is natural for a man who thinks like Arndt to say that because Poland did not manage to put to rout or destroy the Teutonic Knights, she no longer had the right to exist. This is the theory that "since you once were weak enough to grant your enemy his life, you must permit him to kill you now."
"Poland did not realize," Arndt says, "that her duty as a nation was first of all to defend her coast line and drive the Teutonic Knights away from it.
"This negligence spelled death for Poland.
"When in the eighteenth century Prussia and Russia seized Poland's entire maritime domain, it meant that Poland no longer existed. With no outlet to the sea, surrounded by powerful neighbors and having no implements of higher culture, nor any natural frontiers for defense, it was impossible for her ever to become anything. Sooner or later she must disappear . . .
"According to our conception of things, small nations must disappear because geographically they rarely possess the means for subsistence.
"The natural frontiers of Poland were assaulted by Prussia, Courland and Livonia; and this injury was certainly the main cause of Poland's final political death."
And Arndt adds:
"Today Holland constitutes the most glaring violation of Germany's natural frontier."* [* The following words, no less significant, are quoted from another work of Arndt, Spirit of the Times (Geist der Zeit): ". . . Let us declare a sweeping, merciless war against France so that our mighty efforts may carry us beyond the Rhine. And let us not return our swords to their sheaths until all German speaking peoples, those of Alsace, Lorraine, Luxembourg and Flanders, have been emancipated and restored to the German Empire. Here is the task and the goal. And if we should fail to liberate them, if in spite of all our efforts we should not realize this goal we may as well not undertake anything else, for in vain will God have offered his treasures to the Germans, only to take them back because we are too lazy to enjoy them."]
Defense Will Not Win a War
It is not only the political and economic ideas of "New" Germany which were expressed much earlier. In the realm of military tactics also, all the German principles now described as "new" were discussed in detail over thirty years ago by General von Bernhardi. Dietrich von Buelow, of whom we have already spoken (and who died in 1807) had this to say in his Spirit of Modern Warfare:
"We must fight only offensive wars. In a defensive war all positions and all parallel marches are useless: they will never suffice as a wall against the enemy, as we shall soon clearly realize. Regardless of how strong or well protected or how well chosen any position may be which you defend against frontal attack, you will be expelled from it by the enemy. He will quickly achieve this result by attacks on your flank, especially if his forces are greater.
"I must boldly assert-although this principle may be new -that defensive wars should never be waged: as soon as possible the role of aggressor should be assumed, and operations conducted against the enemy's flank and rear."
Von Buelow also clearly formulated the ideas underlying the penetration-now a sad reality-by the Fifth Column into democratic countries, including creation of "economic allies" in enemy countries in the persons of a few great industrialists to whom economic advantages are promised. This system gave Germany excellent results in the conquest of France, and before America's entry into the war she tried to employ similar methods in the United States as well. In the writings of von Buelow are anticipated all the advantages which Germany's masters later gained in several countries by carrying on a campaign of corruption of the enemy at home.
"Insofar as everything has its price," says von Buelow, "the amount of money available is also a decisive factor. Greed for gain is so irresistible that one may buy materials of war even in enemy countries when they are not available at home . . . to say nothing of the advantage possessed by the wealthier for succeeding in their purposes through bribery and corruption. On this subject Montecuccoli has already said: 'To wage war, three things are necessary. . . . Money, Money, and Money."'
The "Ideal Prussian"
In reviewing briefly the theories of a few German writers of the past 150 years, we wished merely to emphasize that ideas generally attributed to Hitler and Nazism originate from much earlier sources. For these very writers (and we might have cited many more at the risk of becoming repetitious) have only formulated principles underlying a curious "cultural trend," generally described as "Prussianism," but never clearly defined. Taken individually, such texts, frequently cited before the World War, were regarded as characteristic fantasies of slight significance, springing from that "Prussian insolence" about which nothing could be done. Related to each other, and related chiefly to the future (which has since become the present) and the past, those texts assume new significance, and we are obliged to attribute equal, if not greater, importance to them than to Mein Kampf.
We will frequently deal with the origins and purposes of "Prussianism" in this book. We attribute to this word a meaning much wider and reaching much further back in time than that of most writers-for whom Frederick 11, King of Prussia, is the prototype, if not the actual founder of Prussianism. Frederick 11, while in many ways an extremely interesting personality, and one of the most important forces in the rise of Prussia, was, however, only one of many in a long line of men formed by the Prussian school. Besides, this close friend of Voltaire was much too strongly tinged with humanitarianism to be considered an ideal representative of the school which is fundamentally opposed to humanitarian ideas. That a number of his actions can be explained only by the inspiration he received from the Prussian tradition does not alter this fact.
Frederick II was unquestionably a great Prussian, but an imperfect Prussian, much as was Bismarck, that other great Prussian, who has often mistakenly been described as the greatest Prussian statesman of modern times-mistakenly because, even though Bismarck did render tremendous service to the Prussian cause, his attitude did not always please the high priests of Prussianism. Having conquered France, he attempted to live at peace with her. He limited Germanic ambitions in the Balkans. He opposed his own country's tendencies toward colonial expansion. Although many of his acts were in harmony with the purest precepts of the Prussianism of Arndt, List, and von Buelow, Bismarck retained a certain restraint and a trace of respect for Christian ethics—the opposite of Teutonic ethics (as described by several authors quoted). Thus Bismarck cannot be considered an ideal Prussian.
This ideal Prussian, this man of "Prussian dreams" (which, in previous centuries, would have been called "Teutonic dreams") does exist, however, and is none other than Hitler. Here one must search for the secret of his success among his compatriots, who, for centuries have been awaiting a kind of Teutonic Messiah, who would ruthlessly achieve an ideal definitely opposed to conceptions of Christian and humanitarian morality.
Constantin Frantz, German writer of the nineteenth century, refers in one of his books to a little known work by Bollmann entitled Justification of Machiavellism. He says:
"The contents of this book are worthy of its title. What Machiavelli once claimed for Italy is applied here to Germany. The writer considers all small political parties powerless; and he hopes for an armed reformer who, with blood and iron, shall unite Germany, and to whom anything shall be permitted provided he attain the proposed goal. Powerful and of irresistible attraction, this man will know how to accomplish such a task.”
Frantz tries hard to apply this prophetic description to Bismarck, but does not Hitler fit this picture much more accurately than Bismarck? Besides, the ideal of a man devoting himself exclusively to the Gennan cause, to whom "anything shall be permitted," is much older than Bollmann's prediction, and even older than the "Prince" of Machiavelli, to whom Bollmann and Frantz credited this figure. This is the "man" of whom Heine spoke (see pages 337-40): "the man whom the German people await, the man who will bring to them the life and happiness they have so long hoped for in their dreams." This is a purely Teutonic conception, as we shall see, at least 700 years old. In the course of centuries it has had numerous ramifications, so that it has become rooted in the spirit and subconscious mind of the German people. Later it was considered a Prussian conception. Small wonder, then, that Hitler in his uncompromising brutal attitude of the "savage ideal" should have evoked such response in the hearts of the Germans.
Prussians by Adoption
The fact that Hitler is not Prussian by birth does not prevent his being the "ideal Prussian." The most ardent Prussians were not born in Prussia, for Prussianism is first of all a state of mind and a special way of thinking shaped over centuries, and to which men of diverse origins have felt strongly attracted. We have seen that Treitschke, that fervent Prussian, was by birth part Saxon and part Czech. Fichte, who placed his philosophy at the service of Prussianism, also came from Saxony. Hegel, another great philosopher who recognized his "ideal State" in Prussia, was south-German by birth, and Houston Chamberlain, famous theorist of the Prussian school, was of English origin.
Hitler's Prussian inclinations were not restricted to the realm of theory. He opened the way to power for himself in 1932 and 1933 when, with the help of von Papen, he concluded an effective alliance with the powerful Prussian forces directing Germany's affairs under various guises. From that time on this agitator, who had until then been taken seriously only in internal German politics, became a veritable world threat.
While Nazism, as a truly demagogic movement in its early days in Munich, was making noisy attacks on all existing power, including the power of Berlin, it provided a certain spiritual nourishment to thousands of frustrated German souls, who appreciated such talk. But from the day when Hitler concluded his alliance with the Prussian Junker leaders, Nazism became a front for Prussianism and entered into systematic planning for conquest of world power. From that time on, Nazism became a most threatening reality for all other countries. We must, however, never forget the forces hiding behind this movement, forces which we shall attempt to expose.
Prussia Ueber Alles
Christianity, and humanitarianism which it inspires, believe in the supremacy of the human personality and the "Rights of Man." All Western ethics are based on this belief. Prussianism, however, admits only the supremacy of the State, to which it demands absolute submission of the individual, at the expense of his liberty, his private interests and his personal well being. General von Bernhardi summarized this idea thus: "There is, as Fichte has taught us, but one virtue, to forget about oneself as a person; and but one vice; to think of oneself. In the final analysis, the State is bearer of all culture, and as such she has the right to claim for herself the individual strength of her citizens."
According to the Prussian theory, the State itself is nothing but power, and the individual must do everything to contribute toward the infinite increase of this power. No attempt is made to define the State, nor to explain why it has the right to this absolute submission of its citizens. The theory is offered as a sort of dogma, belief in which forms the very essence of Prussian welfare.
States are forged by the fire and blood of wars of conquest. Great and powerful countries gain possession of the weak, and these weak countries can only disappear. War, consequently, is not only inevitable, but forms the very basis of the State's ethics. For specialists in Prussian theology the validity of reasons for which wars are waged does not matter. They readily admit that wars waged by Prussian kings may have had no legal bases. What matters is that these wars contributed to territorial gains and increased Prussian power. Christian morality, fundamental to legal concept, may be tolerated for private relationships, and for maintaining social equilibrium, but as for the State itself, the latter determines its own ethical laws.
Under the cloak of this "ethics of the State," everything which according to traditional moral conceptions would be severely condemned, is excusable and even laudable if it is done in the interests of the State: broken pledges, alliances and friendships negated, treaties disregarded, and whatever is considered a "lie" by ordinary human beings. The entire technique later applied by Hitler, which is ably analyzed by Francis Hackett and by Raoul de Roussy de Sales in their works based on Mein Kampf and Hitler's speeches, had already been outlined by this school of thought.
The evidence offered by authors of the Prussian school to support their contention that Prussia, more than any other country, merits such an impressive future is extremely vague. Often the evidence is of a cultural nature; they attempt to demonstrate that Prussia (or "Germany," understood as a Ger-many dominated by Prussia) could contribute much more to world civilization than any other country. But most often, instead of proof, a sort of "realistic philosophy" is suggested as sufficient: Prussia has known how to extend her domain through victorious wars at the expense of other nations; therefore she seems to have been chosen by Providence to con-tinue in this direction. And since, in the final reckoning, a single State is destined to dominate all the others, these German thinkers (expressing an entirely personal point of view, and vouchsafing no explanation) conclude that it may just as well be a German state which assumes this role. But, they say, Prussia alone has shown throughout history that she has the strength or, if one prefers, the ruthlessness to bend other German people to her will.
"Let us, then, rally round her flag," say Fichte, Treitschke and all the other super-Prussians born in different parts of Germany. ("Let us ally ourselves with her," says Hitler.) "Let us," they agree, "help her seize power in Germany, and this Prussianized Germany will one day succeed in conquering the world."
pps. 3 -25
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CHAPTER II
THE CAVALCADE OF THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS
EVERY PLAN FOR intemational regulation which has been put into practice, or merely proposed (including the League of Nations), presupposes a common ethical principle among the participants. Without such a similarity of moral views it is impossible to achieve any international stability whatsoever. Religions, and the schools of philosophy which they have inspired, have successfully brought the leading nations of the world to a more or less common moral denominator. From this angle, Christianity is not in sharp conflict with Mohammedanism, Buddhism, and Brahmanism.
Prusso-Teutonism and the Fehme
The Catholic Church at first, then Lutheranism, performed the task of ethical education in Germany too. It can hardly be said that the masses of the German people are influenced by the moral teachings of religion to a lesser degree than other nations. But separate from the "Christian" moral influence—which still carries weight with large portions of the German population—two distinct developments are discernible. These derive from a very different, much more primitive moral concept, barbarous from one point of view and in any case pre-Christian.
To say that these two developments stem from pre-Christian ethics may on the surface seem contradictory, for both arise in direct line from organizations of a definitely religious character. The Prusso-Teutonic tradition (or briefly "Prussianism") originates directly from the religious Order of Teutonic Knights, and the "Fehmic" tradition is derived from the notorious Fehme)* the blood-tribunal of the Middle Ages, which had definite ties to the church. But centuries have elapsed since both organizations discarded all their religious characteristics.[ * Also called Vehme or Veme.]
Immediately before the first World War, the problem of "Prussianism" was often subjected to the scrutiny of the world and was held responsible for German ambitions of that period. Feeling the danger, the Prussian group acted according to time-honored principles for outwitting savage animals: "If you are without a weapon and fear the lion, lie down and play dead."
The trick succeeded, and it is currently believed that the old "Prussian" or "Junker" menace has practically died out since Hitler's accession to power in Germany.** It is extremely important that we penetrate this camouflage. It is not only useful to reveal the connection between Prussianism and present-day Germany; it is equally useful to show clearly the roots from which Prussianisin originated in history long before Frederick II of Prussia and the Great Elector. Only by understanding what these roots were can we appreciate what present-day Germany really is.[ ** Heinrich Hauser, in Time Was-Death of a Junker, bewails the passing of the Prussian Junker, and has succeeded in arousing sentimental regrets among his readers that these "good people" are no more. (Hauser's good faith in the matter is not questioned here.)]
Prussianism, in its usual interpretation, hangs in the air. Isolated from its past and from its present, it represents nothing more than an historical curiosity with no direct significance for our times.
For us "Prussianism" goes back to the early part of the thirteenth century and is still very much alive in our day. It is the heir of the world-embracing ambitions of the Carolingian and "Holy Roman" Emperors—but at the same time it is also what it became during the centuries in the stuffy and nauseating hot-house of East Prussia.
The principal events in Germany between the two World Wars, the reasons for Hitler's rise to power and the events that followed can be understood only by a thorough scrutiny of the Prusso-Teutonic and Fehmic organizations. This should enable us also to understand better the connections between various writers—"theologians of Prussianism," a few of whom we have cited—and the motives which were sufficiently powerful to make them unanimously adopt an attitude in the question of morals which our moral sense, faithful to tradition, strenuously rejects.
The Rulers of Prussia
Before we go back to the origins of the Prusso-Teutonic conspiracy we may recall that the "Germany" we know is not the same as the Empire which bore this name until 1806. That Empire was composed of a number of little States whose principles of government were almost all similar to those of other European States and whose ethical doctrines were essentially Christian.
In the second half of the nineteenth century a remarkable manoeuvre was effected. Prussia, one of these States (the only State whose principles were profoundly different from those of other German and foreign States), succeeded in imposing her rule-at first in 1866 over the other North German States, and in 1870 over every German State except Austria. This two-fold manoeuvre, carried out in first-rate Machiavellian fashion, allowed Prussia to indoctrinate all Germany with her principles. And our centuries-old Prusso-Teutonic problem became from that day on only a "German problem."
Prussian principles consisted of discipline with a vengeance, aggressive methods, absolute submission of individuals to the interests of the State, and disregard of all Christian morality where these interests were concerned. From 1870 Germany, ruled by the Prussians, assumed the role of a Great-Prussia, although her "Prussianization" had only been partly completed. Despite the Prussian influence, a number of traditional German elements had been preserved throughout the country. It was now a question of making the whole Reich accept the idea widely propagated by nineteenth-century Prussian theoreticians: that Germany could not achieve prosperity except by imposing her will, through unceasing conquest, upon other countries. World peace, that age-old dream, could be attained only by creating a unified world under German rule. To reach this goal—a world under German rule—any method would be acceptable. The favored method for effecting this expansion was by bloody wars, deliberately started, and so ruthless that, according to the Prussian theory, the transformation would be all the more lasting.
Bismarck was the man who accomplished total seizure of all Germany by Prussia. Although of the same turn of mind as other Great-Prussians, he felt that any plan for expansion must be applied slowly and progressively. Guided by opportunistic considerations he introduced a parliamentary system into Prussia and Germany, which satisfied the masses, even though he personally was opposed to representative government.
His friends, whose spokesman he was, were even more opposed to this than Bismarck-but they knew that behind this facade of representative government the real power would remain in their hands, if they proceeded wisely. The conspiracy which had started many centuries ago—a materially founded, actual conspiracy and not a purely ideological and abstract heritage-would live on. The facade may change but the goals always remain the same.
A Conspirational Community is Born
Hans Krieg, Nazi author writing in 1939 in the Zeitschrift fuer Politik (Vol. 29) says this, directing his words to readers in Germany:
". . . The Teutonic Order, having fulfilled its historical role, was destined to disappear as an organization. However, its legacy of a mighty Prussia, and the Order's basic idea of conspirational community remains a sacred duty for us today."
The Prusso-Teutonic organizations of the twentieth century and "Prussian spirit" in general stem directly from the Teutonic Knights of the twelfth century. This religious order, founded at Acre, Syria, in 1190, during the time of the Crusades, from its beginning was distinguished from the two other orders of knights of the Holy Land, the Templars and the Knights of St. John (known later as the Knights of Malta), by its strictly national, or rather racial, character. In order to join the Teutonic Knights, one had to prove pure German ancestry (noble ancestry, of course), whereas membership in the Templars or the Knights of St. John was open to nationals of any country.* Nevertheless there was a definite preponderance of Latins in the membership of these two orders. As a reaction against this, the German Crusaders decided to found a hospital of their own in the Holy Land, reserved exclusively for German Knights who were sick or wounded. A few years later, in 1198, this organization was changed into a Knights' Order. King Philip of Swabia took it under his patronage in 1206; the Germano-Roman Emperor Otto IV did the same in 1213. From this time on the organization may be considered as a purely German political instrument of the highest importance.[*At the beginning of the nineteenth century anyone wishing to enter the Teutonic Order had to prove that eight paternal and eight maternal ancestors were purely German. (C. J. Weber, Das Ritterwesen-Stuttgart, 1835)]
Emperors Against Popes
The Crusades were born of the almost perpetual conflict between the Papacy and the German Emperors. It was inevitable that rivalry should break out between these two powers, each of which in the eleventh century considered itself supreme. The Emperors, who did not fail to recognize the spiritual influence of the Church, began to appoint Bishops without consulting the Pope. They even managed actually to get Popes appointed. Their opportunity came because the Church had been weakened by the human frailties of certain of its most prominent members.
But the Church as an institution was to prove that it possessed greater internal strength than the few weak men who had momentarily been at its head. Cardinals elected new Popes. They came from the great monastery of Cluny, whose influence on Christianity was very important. These Popes, men of Godly existence, restored to the Church its former glory, but only found themselves in greater conflict with the Emperors.
Pope Gregory VII was determined to be free of the authority of the State. He proclaimed the spiritual sovereignty of the Papacy throughout the world and preached about St. Augustine's "Kingdom of God on Earth"; he denied the claims of the German "Holy-Roman" Emperors to world rule in a material sense. Emperor Henry IV, of the Franconian line of Emperors (ancestors of the Hohenstaufens through maternal lineage), claimed sovereignty by divine right over mankind and the earth. This resulted in bitter conflict, and in 1076 the Pope excommunicated the Emperor, who came in 1077 to humble himself before the Pope at Canossa. But the struggle was soon resumed, and in 1080 Henry IV had Gilbert of Ravenna appointed "and-Pope," occupied Rome with his troops, installed Gilbert on the Papal throne, and drove out Gregory, who died in exile.
The Crusades are Born
His successor, Urban II, burned with intense spiritual passion. Banished from Rome, he travelled throughout Christian countries as an "apostolic pilgrim," using the full force of his tongue and pen against Gilbert and the Emperor. Gregory had already spoken in vague terms of a mighty armed pilgrimage to reconquer Jerusalem. Now Urban again took up the idea, and in Italy, Normandy, and Provence, preached the cause of "God's Expedition." He felt certain that if he succeeded in launching such a holy campaign under the banner of St. Peter, he would be striking a telling blow at Gilbert and the Emperor, and the prestige of the Church would thus be restored. Slowly the idea took shape, Crusader troops were organized all over Europe, and finally a speech by Urban to the Clermont conclave loosened the human avalanche which set out toward the Holy Land. The First Crusade was born! The triumphal march of this army across Italy was sufficient to drive the anti-Pope from Rome without a struggle, and Urban again had possession of the Lateran Palace.
The prestige of the Emperor suffered a heavy blow. Now that the Pope had regained all his rights, Henry's excommunication was everywhere regarded much more seriously than before. Abandoned by his friends, an outcast, he died in 1106, and was not permitted burial in consecrated ground.
These conflicts left a deep impression on succeeding Germano-Roman Emperors. A more or less open rivalry between Popes and Emperors continued throughout the twelfth century
Emperor Frederick Barbarossa of the Hohenstaufen family had himself proclaimed "master of the world," Dominus Mundi, in 1158 in the fields of Roncaglia during his second campaign in Italy. He also found himself opposed by the Papacy. His struggles with Rome were particularly remembered by his grandson Frederick II * who was greatly to influence the destiny of the Teutonic Knights.[ * Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250), not to be confused with Frederick II, King of Prussia (1740-86).]
During this time two Knights' Orders, born of the Crusades, were founded in the Holy Land: the Templars and the Hospital Knights of St. John, both having their seat at Acre in Syria.
Both these orders can from that time on be regarded as armies of the Pope the lack of which had previously been a serious shortcoming to the Papacy. It is therefore not astonishing that the German Emperors should have tried to neutralize these forces. It is quite probable that they were influenced by considerations of this kind when they supported the formation of the purely German-armed Order of the Teutonic Knights.
Imperial Monks
A skillful manoeuvre: to allow establishment of a Knights' Order, at first of solely religious appearance and with but vague ties to the Empire, so that it would have the consecration by the Pope indispensable to its prestige. It was not until a few years later, when its existence was quite secure, that the Teutonic Order more openly put itself at the service of the Imperial plans for expansion.
Hermann von Salza, Grand Master of the organization from 1210 to 1239, was primarily responsible for the profound impulse of the Order in this direction, and he may be considered its true founder in a political sense. From the time of his accession to power he realized that the Teutonic Knights were, in the Holy Land, in direct competition with the other two older and more respected Knights' Orders. It was therefore preferable for the Teutonic Order to turn toward other lands in order to secure actual conquests. The seat of the Order remained at Acre, but in 1211 Salza arranged with Andrew II, King of Hungary, to send a detachment of Teutonic knights into the "Burzenland" in the south of Hungary (Transylvania) to combat pagan tribes.
The territory reserved for the Order was clearly defined in a written agreement drawn up between the King and Grand Master. Nevertheless Andrew soon made the complaint that the Knights were widely trespassing beyond the borders outlined for them, that they were coining money without authority, and, finally, had so cleverly manoeuvred at Rome that the Pope had consented to take the territory occupied by them directly under his protection. This allowed the Knights to consider this territory no longer subject to King Andrew. Heinrich von Treitschke, though well disposed toward the Teutonic Knights, founders of the Prussianism he holds dear, states that they acted in Burzenland "in that spirit of ruthless egotism, fully conscious of its strength, which, from this point on, characterized the statesmanship of the Order." Von Treitschke obviously meant this as a compliment, although he describes the Knights as "dangerous friends" for the King of Hungary. The latter in 1225, having early perceived the danger, hastened to expel these "friends" from his country, before they had time to become too powerful. But we can recognize here, from von Treitschke's frank description, the first evidence of certain traits which have survived to this day among the contemporary descendants of the Teutonic Knights.
Following this setback in Hungary, Hermann von Salza sought new lands for the Order to conquer. Frederick II, of the Hohenstaufen family, grandson of Barbarossa, had been Emperor of Germany since 1220, and von Salza was on very good terms with the new Emperor. Frederick II was an extremely curious individual, highly cultured for his day, but with a combination of the most contradictory traits in his personality. He was both adored and hated, and often called the Antichrist. Hermann von Salza was very devoted to him, frequently acting as his intermediary with the Pope. When in 1226 he discovered a new land, conquest of which might compensate for his humiliating defeat in Hungary, he immediately turned to Frederick II, and placed the campaign he was about to undertake under his patronage.
Hermann von Salza managed to have conveyed to Conrad of Masovia, Christian Duke of Poland, the idea that the Teutonic Knights might give him valuable assistance in his battles against heathen tribes. Among these tribes the Slavic Borussians (Prussians) were most famous. Bishop Christian, a Bernardine monk settled as a missionary within the borders of Borussia, acted as intermediary for the Order. It was he who, believing in the sincerity of the Knights, mentioned them to the Duke. Early in 1226 a formal invitation from Conrad arrived at the Order. Von Salza consulted Frederick II at once and the latter, in his Bull of Rimini, entrusted von Salza, with an imperial "mission" for his future campaign.
A Charter for Future Action
This Bull,* which doubtless revealed but a minor part of the agreement between the two men (the part which might safely be made public) was the very basis for all future action of the Teutonic Knights; a permanent charter for all Prussian conquest, and all German political expansion which, during centuries to come and until this day, was to radiate from that territory.[ * See complete text of the Bull, page 363]
The uncompromising spirit with which the Teutonic Order pursued its aim sprang from the "imperial mission" which was entrusted to the Order in this Bull. This document also clearly defines the ambitions of the Hohenstaufen Emperors as they appear to us as opposed to those of the Papacy. It was this Bull which launched the Order on the path of conquest against Slavic Countries—but its full scope exceeded by far this particular conquest.
In the Bull of Rimini, the Emperor described himself "by the merciful tenderness of God" head of the Empire "erected before the Kings of the August Earth." He asserted that God has "extended the limits of our power throughout the various zones of the world." The reason (or rather the excuse) given to justify this claim was the "preaching of the Gospel." (The Holy See often violently opposed, in the time of Frederick II as in the time of his predecessors, such claims of the Germano-Roman Emperors to world rule, and refused to admit that the pretext of a religious mission justified such PurPoses. This is in fact the very origin of the secular conflict between Popes and Emperors, and the reason for excommunication of several Emperors, including Frederick II.) Further Frederick specified that his mission of Empire was directed "not less to subjugation than to conversion of the people"; which makes still more apparent a preponderance of imperialistic ambitions. This phrase, moreover, is a clear indication of the methods by which the Order was to carry out the Imperial mission entrusted it by the Bull.
The Bull states that in this spirit and by virtue of the invitation of Duke Conrad of Masovia (whom the Emperor calls "noster Cunradus," consequently his vassal) the *Teutonic Order is charged with conquering the territory described (intentionally, no doubt) in very vague terms: a land known as the "Land of Culm"; another country situated between the borders of the Duke's land and those of the Prussians (Borussians); and finally the Prussian country itself. Elsewhere the Bull adds that, besides the right of conquest in the territories conceded by the Duke of Masovia. and in the Prussian country, the Order shall enjoy "the old and due imperial rights over mountains, plains, rivers, forests and seas" (velut vetus et debitum ius imperii in montibus, planicie, fluminibus, nemoribus et in mari).
The Bull further confirms that all territory conquered or received as a gift by the Order shall belong to it entirely, with all the rights and privileges of a sovereign imperial prince, including the right to levy taxes and duties, coin money, exploit all sorts of mines, name judges, impose territorial laws, etc.
German historians of the Teutonic Order note with satisfaction that by this Bull the Order was provided for a long time ahead with a broad plan of action. Indeed the terms of the Bull were so generally drawn that any future activity of the Order, regardless of its nature, would come under the special patronage of the Emperor, and would be supported by him. On the other hand, the Order was henceforth to be bearer of the mission of expansion, which, according to Carolingian tradition, was the very essence of Empire.
"A Paraphrase of the Real Goals"
The campaign on the Polish border did not begin until 1231, after long preparation, five years after Frederick II, the Emperor who dreamed of world dominion, had given the Order an impetus which was to keep its full force for many centuries. The Duke of Poland was bitterly to regret inviting the Teutonic Knights into his country. The Bernardine Bishop Christian was to share these regrets at having suggested the idea to Conrad, for later he was kidnapped, imprisoned and cruelly tortured by the Borussians, whom he suspected of acting with the encouragement of the Knights. The cynicism of the Order, which was to remain unchanged over the centuries, was evident here in all its strength. The Knights began the campaign with the firm resolve to keep for their Order exclusively all conquered territory, and to extend their conquests far beyond the lands of Culm and Prussia (where lived the wild Borussians, a heathen Slavic race), their first goal, and object of the agreement with Duke Conrad.
The object of the campaign was to secure more and more territory for the Order. To succeed in this any means would do, and any excuse was valid for waging war against peaceful neighboring princes, even those who were Christian, if their land were coveted. In the thirteenth century, the characteristic Prusso-Teutonic methods were already definitely crystallized.
The avowed aim of the Order was to convert the heathen. This aim alone received the Pope's approval. In the understanding of the Emperor (as illustrated in his Bull) "Subjugation of the heathen" was not less important.
The Emperors, fully aware of the enormous spiritual power of the Church, always found it convenient (even at the time of their most violent conflicts with the Papacy) to maintain this religious front in order to make their imperialistic ambitions appear legitimate. Frederick II, while under excommunication, left for a Crusade to the Holy Land, despite opposition by the Pope, so that he might prove to the world that he was leading the struggle against the heathen. This "struggle against the heathen" was, for the Germano-Roman Emperors, what the "struggle against Jews and Communists" is for Hitler today—a pretext, and a most transparent one.
The German writer Hans Krieg, whom we mentioned before, writing in 1939 (i.e., when the Nazi regime was already in full flower) acknowledges definitely that conversion of the heathen was only a screen and that actually the Order was concerned with increasing the territory of the "Reich." "Conversion of the heathen Prussians was a contemporary paraphrase of the real goals—a paraphrase adapted to those times." Krieg does not attempt to deny the duplicity of such an attitude, without describing it as such, but adds that in view of the "grandiose vision of the whole" pursued by the Order the methods employed did not matter much. Krieg uses a modern expression very familiar to us, when he describes the true mission of the Order: "increase of German living space" ("Lebensraum"). He does not fail to state moreover, without going into detail, that "the Teutonic Order has transmitted this mission as a legacy to the Germany of today."
Frederick Bequeaths His Imperial Ambitions
Emperor Frederick II who, with Hermann von Salza, was responsible for the Teutonic Knights' great adventure into Prussia, was one of the queerest men of the Middle Ages. Son of Henry VI and grandson of Frederick Barbarossa, he felt responsible for carrying out his forefathers' inordinate ambitions. The tide "dominus mundi" proudly borne by his grandfather awakened powerful responses in his highly mystical soul. His most ardent desire seems to have been to continue this tradition and maintain it for posterity, and this desire dictated all his acts and decisions.
He finally came to realize that the violent opposition of the Pope would doubtless not permit him to pursue his scheme for imperial expansion and perpetual conquest by direct means. He decided therefore to use the Teutonic Knights by charging the Order with an imperial mission suiting his own purposes. Thus a double advantage was achieved. He succeeded in covering up his real ambitions by having them carried out by a so-called religious Order under the pretext of "converting the heathen." Even the Pope who had excommunicated him could not criticize such activity. Besides in bequeathing his schemes to an Order following strict monastic rules which assured its permanence, he could hope that his intentions would be carried out not only during his lifetime, but in future times as well.
Frederick had had ample opportunity to get a clear idea of the power acquired by the two other Knight's orders, the Templars and the Knights of St. John. He understood that their strength lay in their rigid organization, the strictness of their rules, and also in what was known as their "secret." The "secret" of religious Orders of the Middle Ages was a powerful motive which insured absolute devotion of the members to the purposes pursued. It was not so much the content of this secret which mattered (although it usually bore, at least symbolically, some relation to the real designs of the Order). What mattered was the very existence of a secret. Men bound by a common secret, subject to the same vow of silence on certain questions, were likely to devote themselves more ardently and with steadier zeal to the common cause, than if they were bound by purely rational obligations, devoid of mystery. Modem society has greatly neglected this helpful factor, so very important in the Middle Ages and ancient times. Frederick II, whose mystical soul divined what he could expect from the closed organization of an Order built on mystic vows and a secret, firmly intended to use them in carrying out his plans.
Both rules and organization of the Teutonic Order had been copied from those of the Templars. The Templars, had a secret (although it is unlikely that its content was as mal-odorous as certain witnesses claimed during the famous trial instituted against them early in the fourteenth century by Philippe le Bel-the trial which was to end in the annihilation of this Order). Both Templars and Hospitalers, aside from their own leaders recognized only God and the Pope as their masters. Frederick repeatedly found himself in difficulty with both Orders, and especially with the Templars. For his tastes, they were too devoted to the interests of the Papacy, with which he was in constant conflict. He therefore deemed it profitable to do everything possible to fortify the position of the Teutonic Order, on which he could depend ever since his close alliance with Hermann von Salza had been concluded. He knew that the Teutonic Order, apparently a religious Order like the other two Knights' Orders, was much more devoted to him than to the Pope and could be safely con-sidered the faithful heir of his ambitions.
Can these "ambitions," these "intentions," be described as peculiarly "German"? In the thirteenth century the word had a meaning different from what it has for us. Frederick II was German only on his father's side. His mother was Constance of Sicily, and the education he received in his own youth was much more Sicilian than German. He was a sort of Renaissance figure-before the Renaissance. But Frederick, in achieving his imperialistic plans, had met with more difficulties in Italy than in Germany. Although the German princes were often not easy to handle, he still had a greater hold on the German nobles than on the Italian. In view of this, the Teutonic Order, which was an organization of German noblemen, was able to bring him valuable help-especially because of his sincere friendship with the Order's Grand Master. Thenceforth he could consider the Teutonic Knights the dependable force on which he might rely. Because of the instability of imperial power, Frederick had had every reason to strengthen as much as he could the position of the Order. It is because of this that he elevated it to the rank of a State of the Empire—to make it the principal performer of what he considered the imperial task.
In reading the text of the Bull of Rimini, one may wonder whether the Emperor had not wished to grant the Order a certain independence from the Empire. This could be explained by the fact that Frederick had been very uncertain regarding \he immediate future of the Empire. One of his sons, Henry, whom he had had appointed "King of Germany," had later revolted against him; Frederick had been obliged to have him thrown into prison, where he died. His other sons did not appear to have much strength or promise. He had therefore no way of knowing what family would occupy the throne of the Empire in future generations.
Frederick must have realized that his own family, and an Empire poorly consolidated, would offer fewer guarantees for continuance of his imperial ambitions than would a rigidly organized Order with which he had spiritual ties. It is not surprising, then, that he should have assigned such an important role to the Teutonic Order, both in the Bull of Rimini and by his subsequent aid. He must have experienced a kin of satisfaction in seeing his task pursued by an Order to which he had brought real life by giving it a raison'd etre. This satisfaction can be compared to that felt by the modem industrialist who bequeaths his concern to his employees. But Frederick 11 was a mystic (which modern industrialists rarely are), and must therefore have felt a satisfaction all the greater when he thought of the influence he was exerting on the future through the medium of the Order.
Frederick II cannot be considered a "German Nationalist" according to modern terminology. The Germanic racial character of the Teutonic Order charged with execution of his schemes was secondary to the Emperor, cosmopolitan par excellence. The Order had been organized according to German racial laws before it became associated with Frederick. These racial laws were likewise class laws, for it was necessary to belong to a noble German family to be admitted to the Order. Frederick had no reason to wish to change the Order's purely "noble German" aspect, for this contributed greater unity to the organism. But aside from such considerations, the problem of German nationalism did not concern the Emperor at all.
In the Bull of Rimini, Frederick describes himself at the beginning and the end as "Emperor of the Romans, King of Jerusalem and of Sicily." He makes no mention of German countries anywhere in the Bull. The continuation of the ancient Roman Empire was part of his mystical vision of life, and purely German traditions meant nothing to him. He longed to be "dominus mundi," Lord of the Earth, for to be a German Emperor seemed to him, under Carolingian tradition, too restricted a task.
The Teutonic Order, while maintaining the German racial organization of its beginnings, concentrated chiefly on perpetuating the spiritual heritage bequeathed by Frederick II, and developed, from this stock, its own traditions. These traditions were necessarily distinct from all other German traditions, and it was inevitable that at some time in later centuries a struggle should arise between the two traditions.
Antichrist?
While still a young man, Frederick had hoped to accomplish the greater part of his colossal ambitions during his own lifetime. Fedor Schneider, in a lecture given at the University of Frankfort (published in the 1930 collection of Frankfurter Universitaetsreden) says with regard to this:
"Frederick's program of imperial politics was completely formed by the time he was about twenty. The first objective would be an absolute and thorough centralization of the Kingdom of Sicily, the Norman State of his ancestors. Through the strength thus gained in Sicily he might reconquer Italy (which Barbarossa previously had conquered and lost) acquiring control over more territory even than Barbarossa. Then, using all Italy as a base, the Emperor planned not only to reestablish his imperial authority in Germany, but to strive for world dominion in the spirit of Henry IV."
The plans formed by Frederick in his youth were extremely idealistic. He dreamed of an empire of justice, of world peace. We have no reason to doubt the sincerity of his interest in these objectives. His extremely wide culture helped to make him both visionary and tolerant. He was very active in the study of natural history and contributed considerably to the development of medical science in Italy. In 1224 he founded the University of Naples, and also enlarged the medical school at Salerno. He spoke six languages: Greek, Latin, Italian, Ger-man, French and Saracen. He wrote poetry in the most varied and difficult meters. He surrounded himself with poets, scien-tists and artists. He collected works of art and had a magnifi-cent library. He was also known for his tolerance towards Mohammedans and Jew.
In his youth he appeared to be a faithful son of the Church. Moreover he owed his election as Emperor to the sponsorship of the Pope. But his faith was not to evolve along very orthodox lines, and he was often accused of scepticism with regard to Church doctrine. He was much interested in astrology and the occult sciences which he had learned from the Saracens in Sicily, the home of his mother. With age he showed more and more independence with respect to the Church, and set a price on his obedience. The conflict became increasingly sharp, and Frederick was finally excommunicated.
Frederick's struggles with the Pope and the Italian cities revived the old conflict between "Guelfs" and "Ghibellines." The Guelfs supported both the Papacy and the idea of freedom. They composed the party of the "Rights of man" of that period: their political doctrines harmonized with the Church's recognition of the sacred character of the human person. The Ghibellines were followers of the Hohenstaufens, who favored strong centralized power-and absolute imperial power. Here the popular Christian ideal struggled against the ideal of an ever-expanding imperialism.
The Guelfs came primarily from among the lesser nobility and the city bourgeoisie, while the Ghibelline idea took root among the high nobility. The Guelfs were named after the German family of Welf. The expression "Ghibelline" is an Italian corruption of the German "Waiblingen," which was the name of a Hohenstaufen castle. Welf I was a powerful noble at the time of Henry IV and received Bavaria from him as a fief. Later, as a result of the rivalry for the imperial throne, fierce hostility developed between the families of Welf and Hohenstaufen. The struggles extended to Italy, where the Hohenstaufens wished to rule with the same absolutism as in Germany. Both families had their ardent champions, recruited from among individuals of opposing schools of thought. The origin of the rivalry was soon forgotten; but cleavage between the two camps remained, dividing the members according to their opposed mental attitudes. Partisans of Barbarossa and of Frederick II in their struggles against the Popes were recruited, naturally, from among the Ghibellines.
Frederick spent the second part of his life struggling against the Lombard cities and the Papacy. From this time on he changed considerably. The idealism of his youth had departed. From now on he was a hard man who respected nobody and stopped at nothing. His vision of world empire was no longer humanitarian. His sole concern now was the winning of absolute power at any price, in opposition to the Church's claim of spiritual domination over the entire world. It was then that he declared: "From now on I shall be the hammer."
His imperialistic ideas, of course, aroused determined opposition from the Church. Until now the Church trusted him, forgetting that this was the grandson of the ambitious Frederick Barbarossa. Traits of Frederick's character, which he inherited from Sicilian forebears on his mother's side, may have been misleading. Sicily was at that time the melting pot of the Mediterranean. There Greeks and Saracens had introduced their highly developed cultural traditions. Frederick's mixed blood is perhaps the very explanation of his contradictory nature. In the second phase of his life all the harshness of the Holienstatifens characterized him. The description, "Stupor mundi," applied in his youth in an admiring sense, now symbolized the terror which he inspired everywhere.
His biographer, E. Kantorowicz (in Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite-1928 *)[* The translation is my own from the German original.], describes Frederick during this second phase of his life as follows:
"Attila's air surrounded him and he alone could keep on breathing it-just as it was Attila's mission which was now his, and which only he could comprehend. His contemporaries instinctively bestowed Attila's title, 'Scourge of the Peoples' and 'Hammer of the World' on him, and his followers no longer referred to him merely as 'he who rules over land and sea,' or 'he who makes the winds to rejoice,' but rather as 'he whose power tramples the mountains and bends them at will.' All Europe suffered terribly under him, both friend and foe alike, Italy and Germany in particular; and to those who did not worship him and were not his followers, Frederick now represented the very epitome of all evil. The capacity for evil possessed by Frederick was indeed rare in a ruler of his stature . . . nor has anyone taken greater pleasure in doing evil. Where the State was concerned he had always been capable of any cruelty, treachery, violence, cunning, deceit, harshness—of any outrageous behavior. 'I have never reared a pig whose fat I would not eat' was one of his expressions. But where previously he had committed evil for the sake of the State, now it was for its possible effect in the world struggle which went on around his person; and he alone had come to be the State. Where previously the needs of the State constituted right, now it was the Emperor's personal needs. What he required at the moment and what might be useful as a weapon were now considered right . . . and where, in the past, laws had been bent to the interests of the State and the world at large, they were now bent to suit imperial caprice. The theory that the welfare of the Empire, of other Kings and nations, and of those who believed in him depended on his personal weal or woe-was frequently proclaimed. Every act and move of his now seemed more tyrannical, more violent , more monstrous and in fact more ruthless, since it was useful only in the preservation of a single individual."
Kantorowicz gives the following description of the effect produced by Frederick on the minds of his contemporaries:
"The entire life of Frederick II can be interpreted in the Messianic as well as the Antichrist spirit. It was the common belief that the Antichrist begotten in sin, would be surrounded by magicians and wizards, astrologers and sorcerers . . . and he would restore demon worship: he would strive for personal fame and would call himself God Almighty. He would come to Jerusalem and install his throne in the Temple . . . he would restore the ruins of the Temple of Solomon and then, lying, claim to be the son of the Almighty. At first he would convert the Kings and Princes, and through them, later, the people. He would dispatch his couriers and preachers to all parts of the world, and his preaching, as well as his power, would reach from sea to sea, from east to west and from north to south. With him, however, the Roman Empire would come to an end. And he would accomplish signs and wonders and unheard-of deeds-but unprecedented confusion would reign over the Earth. For when his deeds were witnessed, even the perfect ones and God's chosen would doubt whether he were Christ-who, according to the Scriptures, will come again at the end of the world-or whether he were the Antichrist. They would look like one another. . . .
"And Frederick's behavior always allowed for double interpretation. In his display of the exotic splendor of both his court and his menagerie, he might be considered by some as a universal King ruling over all peoples and races-men and beasts-as the Messiah, under whose scepter all animals shall lie down together in peace . . . while others might have seen, in this galloping procession of pards and owls and dark-skinned Corybantes, sweeping through Italian cities, the very Hosts of the Apocalypse."
Frederick II liked to trace his behavior to his grandfather, Frederick Barbarossa. It is quite possible that the legends attached to the latter largely influenced the dreams of his grandson. Frederick II maintained for example that the Teutonic Knights had been founded by Barbarossa, a claim which seems to have no justification in fact. In the popular mind the legends inspired by Frederick's death fused with those which centered about his grandfather at an earlier time. When Frederick II died, people did not believe it: had it not been said that the Emperor would live to the age Of 267 years? For almost a century after his death impostors pretended to be Frederick. In Italy it was said that he was not dead, but that he had retired inside Mount Aetna. A Franciscan monk told of having been deep in prayer along the edge of the sea, when he noticed a company of several horsemen disappearing with their mounts among flames into the water. One of these riders said to him: "It is Emperor Frederick who is leading his Knights into Aetna." The German legend mentions Mount Kyffhaeuser as the refuge of Frederick and says that he will live there until he returns to lead his people. It was assumed that this refers to Frederick Barbarossa. It is probable that the story was told originally about Frederick II, and that this is one of those confusions of personalities which is common in all folklore.
The mysticism of Frederick II, allied with that of Hermann von Salza, was behind the vast and daring imperial mission which had been assigned to the Order of the Teutonic Knights. Frederick bequeathed it all of his incontinent ambitions and all of his utilitarian ruthlessness. The Emperor's word, "I have never reared a pig whose fat I would not eat," could have been the motto of the Order. Like its spiritual ancestor, it too was to become "Hammer of the World" and "Scourge of the Peoples." And the description of Frederick II, -"what he required at the moment and what might be useful as a weapon were now considered right,"—can equally and unreservedly be applied to the Order.
It was Frederick II who instructed the Order in the strict methods used by the Normans of Sicily in organizing the State. The Order's entire set-up of Knight-officials, which was to be the basis of the severe Prussian official system, sprang from there.
In transmitting to the Order all the conceptions deriving from the second phase of his life, Frederick II was careful not to bequeath to it any of the ideas and principles of his youth, which were marked by humanitarianism and tolerance.
Conversion as a Pretext
The conversion and oppression of the Borussians by the Teutonic Knights were carried on by fire and sword. These Borussians were a savage people who knew how to make themselves feared, but the Knights opposed them with all their Teutonic harshness, the arrogance of their caste and the fanaticism derived from their monastic origins-fanaticism strengthened by severe rules and regulations inspired by those of the Templar Order.* A cruel campaign followed in which the Borussians were unable to resist the superior forces of the Order. By 1260 almost the entire territory of the Borussians had passed into the hands of the Order. Hermann von Salza died in 1239 and Frederick II in 1250, but their deaths did not change the course of events. The future paths of the Knights were all clearly defined; now, subjected to the strictest discipline, they unswervingly pursued their task of conquest.[ * See page 231 for more details]
The methods used by the Knights from the beginning of their campaign were severely criticized by contemporary chroniclers, most of whom were themselves German. This criticism was also taken up by the German clergy established in various sections of the Borussian territory, as well as the German missionaries belonging to non-armed orders. All of these deluged Rome with petitions complaining bitterly about the cruel and hypocritical behavior of the Teutonic Order. One of their complaints was that the Knights had made absolutely no effort to convert the conquered peoples. On the contary, the Order hindered such conversion because as long as the heathen remained heathen, they could be considered as slaves: the Knights could exploit them at will, entirely for their own ends.
Modem German authors have no illusions as to the true ends pursued by the Order. The "contemporary paraphrase of the real goals" acknowledged by Hans Krieg is accepted by most German historians. Dr. Bruno Schumacher, in a work published in 1927 (Der Staat des deutschen Ordens in Preussen) described as follows the basic ideas governing the foundation of the Order's State:
"The first colonization of this land, cities used as military bases, and great land-grants made to people eligible for Knight service, seem to have been dictated primarily by military considerations. This all became changed by 1283, when the conquest was complete. Only now did the idea of a National State begin to take shape. A vigorous and systematic colonization of the land by German peasants was effected. At the same time this network of cities was extended-no longer for defense needs only but also for administrative purposes. . . . But the completion of this founding of a State was realized only with the acquisition of Pomerania-Minor. This Vistula land, which for a long time had been within the range of East German colonization, was acquired by dint of the greatest diplomatic skill, with the definite intention of using it as a connecting link to Germany. In this, there is not much of the spirit of the Crusades to be discerned, but what does stand out strikingly is the foresighted political activity in the tradition of Hermann von Salza."
August von Kotzebue, the famous German writer, did extensive research among the archives of the Order at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and published his findings in 1811, under the title, Preussens aeltere Geschichte. He claimed that he could find no evidence that these peculiar armed monks, the Knights, had ever attempted to preach the Christian religion. "They wanted to conquer a land, not a people; establish dominion and not the teachings of Jesus. In this they took advantage of Europe's 'holy madness'."
The "holy madness" of this period was the "struggle against the heathen." As already pointed out, with minor differences the Teutonic methods of the thirteenth -and twentieth centuries are identical. The slogan of "conversion of the heathen" used by the Teutonic Knights assured them sympathy in different parts of the Christian world, despite the abuses of which they were accused by respectable people. It also allowed them considerably to expand their forces through the constant influx of young warriors coming from all German countries. Actually it now became fashionable to participate in this crusade into the Borussian country-as it had formerly been to depart for the Holy Land at the behest of the Pope. In this, Frederick II and the shades of his ancestors who had survived in the Order's traditions won the advantage over the Pope.
Although formally a religious order, the Teutonic Order pursued its own ends in accordance with the spirit of its imperial mission. And it went further. Having taken over the aims toward an imperium mundi of Frederick II and the Germano-Roman emperors, the Order might be considered, following Frederick's death, much more the spiritual successor to the limitless ambitions of this strange man and his predecessors than was the German Empire itself. The latter from now on lost much of its brilliance, and appeared in a less threatening light.
Frederick II had been the last great Germano-Roman Emperor, and the Hohenstaufen line died out with his son, who reigned but a few years. The German Emperors who followed them descended from other families. They did not continue these Carolingian ambitions, and not one claimed the name of "dominus mundi." The Order therefore regarded itself thenceforth not only as bearer, but also as sole heir of that mission which it had been assigned by the Germano-Roman Emperors. And while the Christian spirit of "Leben und leben lassen" ("live and let live") was becoming widespread throughout the rest of Germany, the Order pursued its aims of perpetual conquest with egocentric ruthlessness, and later bequeathed them to the Prussian State.
The Gratitude of the Order
The Order extended its territory deeper and deeper into the Slav country until the fifteenth century.
Those "Prussians" (Borussians) who did not submit were cruelly slaughtered. The "collaborationists" of this period were more or less safe, but in order to gain the favor of their conquerors, they were forced to give up their native language. Finally their descendants intermingled with the conquerors. The Germanized Borussian nobility now married among the German "beggar-noblemen" (Betteljunker) who had settled in the countries of the Order in the wake of the Knights. Together they were to form the Prussian Junker caste, which has been referred to frequently.
For the purpose of constantly extending their territory, the Knights, on the flimsiest of pretexts, waged successive wars against all their neighbors, who, for the most part, were Christian: the Lithuanians, the Samaites, the Esthonians, the Russians, the Pomeranians, the Krivitzians, and above all the Poles. After Prussia, Pomerania-Minor was taken over, but the Order's conquests did not halt at this point. The Order did not, moreover, intend to stop at any point. The tentacles of the Teutonic squid reached out ever further with insatiable avidity. In the course of centuries the whole territory thus conquered became known as Prussia.
Kotzebue, reliable historian of the Knights, described their intrigues in provoking war against the heroic Swantopolk, Christian Duke of Pomerania, so that they might seize his country. Swantopolk had rendered the Order great services. The Knights were never impressed by such considerations, when the expansion of their territory was involved. The Order, using to advantage the weak character of the Duke's brother, and sowing discord between the two brothers, procured for itself an ally in the very country it planned to conquer. Thus, the Order excited the rage of the Duke, and through a series of incidents provoked a war with him-which was valuable in carrying forward their aims for conquest. Kotzebue relates that Swantopolk was under no illusions where the friendship he might expect from the Order was concerned:
"He could already foresee his future fate, observing that of the unfortunate Prussians [Borussians]. He knew that the Knights would never lack a pretext, a Papal Bull or an imperial sanction when, after having successfuly subjugated the heathen, their insatiable lust might be attracted to the lands of the Pomeranian sovereign. Realizing this, he found it both prudent and just to support the Prussians: prudent because their still unbroken power afforded him security; just, because the Order, in oppressing the Prussians, violated agreements of which he was the Trustee.
"Swantopolk was the son of Mestwin, Duke of Pomerania. The dying father entrusted Swantopolk with the guardianship of his younger brother, Sambor, and made Sambor swear to obey Swantopolk. The harmony between the two brothers was destroyed by the Order's intrigues.
"The Christian Order," says Kotzebue, "knowing neither shame nor gratitude, provoked and armed brothers against one another, thus rewarding the unsuspecting Duke, who had welcomed and supported them with noble confidence. For it was Swantopolk's bravery alone that had saved the Germans from destruction on the banks of the Sirgune in 1233. For five years he remained their confederate (1238); would not make peace with the heathen without the Order's consent; even subjected himself to the Papal anathema rather than be unfaithful to them. He remained silent even when they befriended his enemies-the Poles.
"But when the Order, disregarding the duties and oaths it had taken, now reduced the unfortunate Prussians to a state of socage, the latter, their arms, enchained, turned to Swantopolk, the trustee of their compact. He now felt that to remain silent any longer would be criminal (1239). But he did not yield hastily to an unruly desire for war; rather he wanted first of all to try everything to awaken a spirit of justice and humanity in the Order instead of shedding blood. In outspoken fashion, and in a manner befitting a brave man and a mighty sovereign, he presented himself before the 'Landmeister' (regional master) of the Knights as a spokesman for the oppressed. But the Landmeister, aloof and excitable, accused the noble spokesman of being a traitor and of stirring up the populace. Swantopolk, although angered, was above these personal insults and was guided simply by the interests of his followers. Even now he would not draw the sword; he was determined to exhaust every peaceful and legal means so that some day the curse and responsibility for having started a war would fall directly on the heads of the Knights. . . . It was only when Sambor, the obdurate brother, built the citadel of Gordin (with aid from the Order) and turned it over to Swantopolk's enemies for their assemblies that Swantopolk drew the sword-not for conquest, but moved only by prudence and by human sympathy for the sufferings of the Prussians.
"The arrogant Knights had the impression that his only followers would be the Prussian masses, because the nobility had frequently caroused with them. But these nobles too, now become sober, recognized the new danger. They were still being handled with consideration, but what might they expect after their people were thoroughly enslaved? For a long time their indignation had mounted when they saw how undeserving Germans were appointed to the principal offices and received large estates. They were no longer to be lured by revelry. They too were called to arms by the wails of the oppressed."
A long war ensued, terminating in the conquest of Pomerania by the Order.
The methods used against Swantopolk are characteristic of the Teutonic Knights' behavior over a period of centuries. Pretexts were always found to provoke war against those princes whose lands they coveted. If such pretexts did not exist they managed to create them, so that responsibility for the ensuing conflict would always be placed on their adversaries.
The Mania of Conquest
Kotzebue describes the infernal urge toward perpetual conquest in this manner:
". . . that shameful depravity, referred to where the humble are concerned as greed, and, where the mighty, as the spirit of conquest: considered-in the first case-with universal contempt; in the second with admiration by the petty . . . if that scourge of humanity spurs on some individual sovereign, it cannot take from the oppressed at least one comforting hope: that some day even the conqueror must die. But once this mania takes possession of an organism which never dies (because, in place of decaying extremities, it constantly shoots forth new ones) the ground, put to fire by its mania, becomes eternal Hell. Such a monstrosity was the German Order! In vain did a few of its Grand Masters desire peace and justice; they were but as the healthy head of a diseased body; a body whose poison spread ever farther and farther. Those who willingly accept some conquering Duke as their neighbor certainly regret it, but to a lesser degree than those fools who accepted the conquering Order on their borders."
The Teutonic Grand Masters had originally imposed a rigid discipline among the brothers of the Order, setting up a strict and exacting administration. The latter was run by means of a body of Knight-officials, whose organization had been inspired by the Normano-Sicilian officials of Frederick Il. (This traditional severity, aggressiveness and intolerance of the Knight officials was carried over later in a direct line to the administration of the Prussian Kingdom.)
Despite this inner severity and partly, perhaps, because of it, all sorts of abuses arose in the countries of the Order. The treatment to which the Knights subjected the conquered people was, from the very beginning, most inhuman and led quite frequently to their severe condemnation by the Holy See, which at times went so far as to place them under ban.
Already in 1258 Pope Gregory IX had written: "The heathens were oppressed by no yoke before their darkness was illuminated by the torch of faith; yet despite this, the Brothers dare to steal the property and the freedom of those who are no longer sons of Ishmael but who have been redeemed through the blood of Christ. If they do not desist, they shall be deprived of their privileges and removed from the occupancy of the lands they have so abused."
Kotzebue describes as follows the oppression of the Krivitzians by the Order:
"What fate was in store for the enslaved remnants of the once mighty Krivitz people? Where were their rulers, their nobles, their free-holders? What status, what rights and religion, what property would be theirs? They were treated in various manners by the victors. Prisoners, men, women and children, with no hope of clemency, were forced to submit to cruel bondage. The fact that they renounced Perkuna,* crossed themselves and sprinkled. holy water on their heads, did not help them at all. It is true that the Order had taken the position in 1249 that all men are free and equal and that only unbelief leads to enslavement. Now, however, they managed to break their word through the vile pretext that only those who, of their own will, welcomed the cross and the beam on their shoulders might enjoy such privileges; but those who have been forced into the fold of the Church at the point of a sword must forever, and in slavery, atone for their past unbelief. [* The heathen god the Krivitzians worshipped.]
"Less miserable was the fate of those princes and nobles who had curried favor with the Order by betraying their fatherland. These were granted estates which in many cases had belonged to them anyhow and which could not very well be stolen from those who, of their own free will, submitted. But where once they had been unrestrained masters of their estates, they now obtained as a special grant whatever greater or lesser jurisdiction they might have over their serfs and also the right—for both men and women—to inherit. For all this they were obliged to pledge themselves for Knightly service. If they were able to adjust themselves obediently under this new yoke, if they helped to draw the net even tighter around their own brothers, then the Order might occasionally condescend to give the rank of 'noble' to the nobles; to decorate the heroes with a Knight's sword; and in place of the traditional respectful title, Pan,' ('Sir') to bestow on them the empty title, 'Miles.' Whether they were also Christians was of no concern to these armor-clad missionaries."
Trickery
At the beginning of the fourteenth century, Gedemin, Lithuanian Prince, addressed himself to the Pope, demanding his protection against the Order. Kotzebue says that his letter shows up the "black spirit" of the Order:
"Gedemin wanted to become a Christian. The pious Knights attempted to hinder this, because for their own purposes of potential conquest, they would rather have his lands remain heathen territory. Through royal grants Gedemin invited all sorts of immigrants, artists, artisans and farmers to resettle in Lithuania. To the Order this seemed a very serious matter. It appeared to them a plundering of their own States, which had become depopulated through unholy wars. Who would come to Prussia in the future, they concluded-with reason—and there submit to their excesses, if these people had been promised by a powerful ruler peaceful shelter, protection, justice and liberty? To hinder this, the Knights had to utilize every means and practice every evil, if necessary. They had before disrespectfully broken the seal of the Grand Duke. Now they did not hesitate to intercept his letters, none of which, save those to Rome, ever reached their destinations. So that posterity might some day recognize their cunning and give them credit for their knavish trickery, they were imprudent enough to file these letters in their archives instead of destroying them. As it is, these letters, after 600 years, are so many irrefutable witnesses against the Knights.
"In order to block the only secure road leading to Lithuania, they spread slanderous rumors to the effect that Masovia had been cruelly razed by Gedemin. Actually, Gedemin's letter described Duke Boleslas of Masovia as his only friend, through whose country one might safely travel in the pilgrimage to Lithuania. The difficulty with which letters were forwarded at this time made this knavery possible; and their slander even found its way into history. Such a circumstance appears less surprising when one takes into account the great number of lies officially set in motion, unhindered because no one dares to deny them-this even in our own times, despite all the means at our disposal for disseminating truth.
"Thus is posterity deceived.
"The letters addressed to the Pope were not intercepted by the Order, either because they did not dare to do so, or because their bearers escaped the Knights' vigilance. That the pagan Grand Duke, rather than the Pope's own warriors, sons of the Church and Knights of the Blessed Virgin, received the protection of the Holy Father, is the best indication of how contemptible was the Order's behavior. Despite the mask it wore so carefully, it can be evaluated in its true light."
"Justice Was a Stranger in Prussia"
The Knights' abuses continued, even against the German secular clergy, and against the monks of various orders. The Teutonic Brothers forced them out of their churches. They imprisoned and poisoned Bishops. The peaceful German bourgeoisie who lived in the seaside towns and in the cities of the interior-where their ancestors had come in great numbers as artisans, at the invitation of the Order-also had plenty of cause to complain bitterly of the Order's corruption and immorality. Fierce battles were waged at various times and notably in the fifteenth century, between the Order and the German city bourgeoisie, who organized in a Bund against the Knights. The bourgeoisie accused the Knights of crimes of all sorts. The most fundamental rights were denied them by the Order, which was functioning as a theocracy, with absolute power. Expropriation and other material usurpation were common. Owners of land coveted by the Order were thrown into prison. Their wives and daughters were seduced by members of the Order, who did not take their own vows of chastity too seriously. H. Bauer (in Scbwert im Osten, 1932) writes: "In accordance with the original regulations of the Order, it was forbidden for a Knight to kiss even his mother or sister, but a common saying in Prussia now advised the head of the house to keep his back door locked against the Crusaders."
Kotzebue found a vast amount of evidence in the archives of the Order which permitted him to establish the extent of the abuses committed. This is what he has to say concerning the morals of the Teutonic Knights in the fourteenth century:
"Robbery and murder were every-day occurrences in Prussia, particularly on the borders, along whose reaches cries and complaints could be heard ceaselessly. In countries of the Order, some of the best known Knights were to be seen robbing and ravishing in broad daylight. In Pomerania, despite the orders of the Grand Master to the contrary, they behaved in the same fashion. Some of the Superiors of the Order were themselves powerful robbers who would spare none of their neighbors. When complaints reached the ears of the Grand Master, his answer was invariably: 'We don't know anything about it' or 'We are really sorry.' Help was always slow in coming. Even in foreign countries, the Brothers transformed their official strongholds into robber castles, from which the friendly neighboring princes were regularly attacked.
"Contempt for divine service; neglect of pious rituals; profaning sacred ground; insulting official couriers; lust and raping of young girls-these were some of the most common occurrences. Thieves escaped punishment because of their respected kinfolk. Adulterers became bolder; in Marienburg * the Order tolerated a public brothel."[ * In 1291, the three Knights' Orders were routed from Acre, in the Holy Land, by the Arabs. The Teutonic Knights transferred their seat to Venice at first and later to Marienburg in Prussia. From this time on they made themselves at home in a land belonging to them. This contributed considerably to their independence from the Church.]
"We Are the Law"
Documents dating from 1436, as noted by Kotzebue, further confirm the continuance of this deplorable state of affairs.
"Enraged by the prevailing disorder, the pious monk, Heinrich Boringer of the Order of Carthausen, wrote to the Grand Master: 'Iniquitous administrators and judges hold the power in the land, selling justice at a price; oppressing the poor because their superiors are neglectful and no longer punish them. From the poor they have taken the tools and implements of work, through which wives and children must be fed. The sweat of the poor has been spent.-Noble Master, with much virtue and wisdom did you write three years ago, that every complainant shall appear before you, so that you may correct all abuses. At this even the infernal devil was frightened. Woe to him who would have hindered you. But today it is only to Heaven above that the miserable can cry; your sheep have been entrusted to wolves. When God shall finally demand his reckoning from you, I shall not cry out as did St. John: "Woe is me!—for I have remained silent." All these things are well known but they have been carefully hidden and but few take them to heart. The heathen kings were much more virtuous than the present-day Christian rulers. Holy laws are scorned by these rulers, even though they themselves are men of the Church. And concerning the common law of their subjects they jeer, saying: "What laws of Culm? We are your laws." Representatives of the oppressed, who dare to speak up, are threatened with the dungeon.
"'Particularly in the villages, and with full knowledge of the Knights, the behavior of the foresters, overseers and compeers has been thoroughly vicious on many occasions. Local judges are appointed who are forced to oppress the poor, and for this they are rewarded by being seated at the communion table of the Knights. Judges have revealed at confession that they were forced to render unjust decisions. When someone has been injured or killed while at work, these greedy Knights extort such enormous fines from the responsible party that he can no longer compensate his victim or his family. Nor do they tolerate friendly settlements; even where petty amounts are involved, one is forced, unwillingly, to institute suit. They buy grain at low prices during the winter and force the original vendor to repurchase it at a much higher price in the spring. Whoever complains to the Master is thrown into chains and often dispossessed from his home. Oppression and drudgery are intensified from one year to the next. And this, they claim, is for the good of the country! They [i.e., the officials of the Order], when their larders are full, retire from their duties. When these "rulers" appoint an overseer, they do not, from that moment on, pay him anything, but tell him: "Feed yourself from your position." 0 Lord, how the poor people suffer then!
"'They carouse with women-they do as they please, the Master rarely questioning them. While the priests sing in Church, the Knights run riot in the taverns. No one wants to remain in the Abbey. They would much rather find themselves an office elsewhere—in the wilderness if necessary—as far removed from the Abbey as possible-—so that they may go their evil ways without anybody disturbing them. The Prussians still cling to their heathen idolatry, but no one is concerned about this. They are conscripted for work duty on Holy days-the Knights, blinded by their avarice, desire only to rule and exploit them, not to teach or convert them. Their freedom has been stolen. They are supposed to be Christians, but all Christian rights have been denied them. When a serf who has no son dies, his lands fall to the manor; that is why the lands lie waste. No promise to the people is kept, and sworn oaths are but a mere trifle. Sometimes good regulations will last for half a year, but then they are trampled by the rulers. Usury, perjury and adultery are commonplace, but they are no longer considered sinful since the Knights themselves behave in the same way. At weddings and at carnivals during Lent, the most fiendish behavior is witnessed. Murder occurs frequently, since a man's life here is worth less than a horse's. It does not upset the rulers because they can extort fines out of this. The cause for all this is in the nightly debauchery in the taverns—and more and more taverns are being licensed to make possible collection of the cursed taxes. Sharp gambling prevails both among the higher Knights and their subordinates.
"'May the Lord and you be prevailed on: even the priests have to lead a life more mundane than religious; they must farm their own fields and pay tithes. Quod non tollit Christus, tollit fiscus. What they exact from priests helps to gorge mercenaries. Whatever the Knights leave over may be taken by their valets, only it would be preferable if they were not so uncivil in this. To sum up, this is no Christian country, since God's commandments are followed less by the Knights than they are by the Prussians."'
As a conclusion, the complaining monk swears that he has told the open and honest truth, that he has composed his letter in the privacy of his home, and has revealed its contents to no one.
"Friends of the Order," says Kotzebue, "tried in vain to explain away these serious charges levelled at the organization, as exaggerated and pre-fabricated lies. But it is not the chroniclers alone who support the charges. Authenticated facts speak here. The Comthur * of Tauchel, to satisfy his unnatural lust, had a nine-year-old girl carried off by his servant. When her parents complained, this poor violated girl was sent home. When she was grown older, the girl was married to a local mayor, bearing him a son and living with him in peaceful wedlock for sixteen years. When her husband died, the Order seized her property on the vile pretext that her marriage had been illegal, since she had at one time lain with the servant of the Comthur.[ *Local and regional commanders of the Teutonic Knights were referred to as "Comthur" or "Komtur."]
"Even peasant women working in the open fields could not be certain of their honor-their very life. They were frequently dragged off to the woods, where after being lustfully defiled, they were left to hang by their feet.
"Freemen were tricked out of evidence of loans given by them, and this was immediately destroyed. Furthermore the victims had to suffer violence and were driven out of their homes. Money was extorted from the rich by threats but the victims dared not lament this before wife and child, and dared even less to complain to the Grand Master. When two men quarrelled and a third attempted to reconcile them in friendly manner, the mediator would be punished by the Order's officials because he was depriving the tribunal of a welcome fine.
"Without a hearing, without a conviction, many had to accept corporal and financial punishment. A peasant passing by a window and seeing through it a Brother's bed-companion, would pay dearly if he dared to make a humorous remark. If one of these Knights of the Blessed Virgin succeeded in seducing an honorable woman, he would openly boast of his conquest, and of the woman's consent. Handsome wives were torn away from their husbands and locked up in castles. Daughters of wealthy burghers, already engaged to worthy journeymen, would be forced into marriage to proteges of the Order, against their own and their parents' wills. Complaints by the parents or the fiance' would lead to imprisonment, and often their lips would be sealed in death. A burgher could no longer travel in safety to the annual fair, now that the Brothers themselves had become tradesmen: they bought or extorted goods at half their value; transported them by boat elsewhere; returned with expensive commodities obtained in exchange, not bothering to pay the vessel's owner and crew, and throwing those who demanded payment into the dungeon.
"Bloody street battles were common occurrences. If a burgher was injured, that was considered fitting. Should he be the victor, however, he would be forced to flee the country."
"We Are God's Creatures"
At the beginning of the fifteenth century, the rugged Samaites addressed their complaints to the Pope and the King of Rome, pleading for protection in these words:
"Hear, hear, ye princes, spiritual and temporal! Receive charitably the propositions of the afflicted, listen to the cry of the oppressed. We are of free, noble descent and the Order wishes to deprive us of our inherited rights. It has not tried to win our souls for the true God; it has only tried to win for itself our lands and our inheritances. We are obliged to be& steal, rob and kill in order to preserve our sorry lives.
"How do they dare call themselves Brothers? How can they baptize? He who is to wash others must first be clean himself. To be sure, the Prussians are baptized, but they know as little of the true faith as they did before. When the Brothers invade foreign lands they send the Prussians before them, to shed human blood. These Prussians need no urging; they bum churches, carry on worse than Turks; and the worse their behavior, the more pleased is the Order. For this reason we have refused to be baptized-we do not wish to become like the Prussians.
"The evil began with us slowly, but it grows daily. The Brothers have taken all our fruit and beehives from us; have set the yoke of degrading work upon our necks which once were free; have laid intolerable burdens on our servants, serfs, peasants, and tenants; have taken our hunting and fishing away, and have forbidden us to trade with neighboring countries.
"Hardest of all to bear was the fact that they carried off our children each year as hostages; but not being satisfied after taking away 200 such children, showing no human compassion, they dragged our wives away from us.
"We plead with you—hear us! hear, you who love justice! We would sooner weep than talk. They have bound the most powerful among us in chains and taken them to Prussia as serfs; some they have burned with their wives for refusing to part with their children. These men of the Cross have abducted our sisters and young daughters by force and-we say it with bitter sorrow-have defiled them; this is manifest and we can prove it. For a man named Kircutis, one of the mightiest boyars of our land, had a very beautiful daughter, whom these same Brothers maliciously abducted. The girl's brother could not endure this, and when he was obliged to see how one of the Order violated his sister, he ran him through with his sword. A great and noble boyar named Wyssygynn, along with his wife and children, were dragged to Prussia where all were killed. They burned the boyar Swolken's house and village and killed the inhabitants; he himself barely escaped. But another, Sungalo, they beheaded, and forced his whole family into slavery.
"Hear, you Christian princes! We have nothing to look forward to but death by murder and that their swords will become red with our blood. They have postponed our baptisms, have built no churches in our country and have appointed no priests. Only the noble princes Witold and Jagello have, in friendly manner, instructed some of our people in the Christian faith. Take pity on us! We beg to be baptized. But remember that we are human beings, not dumb beasts which are given away, bought and sold; we are God's creatures whom He formed in His image and in the freedom of the children of God; and this freedom we want to preserve and use. Therefore, we pray to our heavenly Father that he receive us through the Polish bishops, into the bosom of the Church. For we wish to be baptized, but not with blood." *[* As quoted by Kotzebue.]
Prussia and the "New Germany"
Even Treitschke—although he still finds inspiration for his neo-Prussian zeal in the history of early Prussia-must acknowledge:
"The non-Germanic people are prevented from receiving an education. Balthasar Ruessow complains that, of a thousand peasants, hardly one can repeat the Lord's Prayer by heart. The children scream and dogs slink away when a German enters the smoke-filled hut of the Esthonian. In the clear nights of the short but hot summer, these miserable people sit under the birch, the favorite tree of their dull poetry, and sing stealthily a song of hatred for these Gernian wolves: 'You Germans—swell yourselves up before all peoples of the world; nothing we poor Esthonians do suits you; therefore down with you to deepest Hell.' For centuries such hatred on the part of the vassals and such severity on the part of the masters continued; only during the period of Russian rule did the German nobility decide to free the peasants from these yokes which tied them to the land."
But Treitschke adds, without seeming to condemn such behavior: "By these examples we can estimate the significance of the Germanization of Old Prussia."
This sentence characterizes, moreover, the entire attitude of the Prussian historical school on the subject of cruelty inflicted, or abuses committed in any epoch of Prussian history. These writers adopt a nonchalant manner; and are not concerned with moral considerations. They insinuate that the sort of behavior for which the ancestors of present-day Prussianism are criticized should be considered perfectly legitimate, in the past as well as the future; for such behavior can be explained as a sort of "Spartan harshness" which is indispensable to the welfare of the Order, or to the welfare of its successor, the State. It would not have been proper for these Knights to become weakened in the pursuit of their fixed aims by such idle considerations as charity, fairness, gratitude or humanity.
In discussing the revolt of the oppressed Borussians (around 1260) who, for some ten years, seemed to have been triumphant, Treitschke says:
"After ten years, during which the German domination over the Borussians was almost destroyed, the days of victory again came to the Order through the determined efforts of Landmarshal Konrad von Thierberg . . . and during the next ten years, the supremacy of the Germans was established through death and destruction. . . . Having once learned their lesson from this dreadful experience, the Order was henceforth to adopt a new and harsher policy towards those whom they subjugated."
The "dreadful experience" to which Treitschke refers was the almost complete destruction of German domination. To prevent recurrence of this, which Treitschke considers the worst of all eventualities, a "harsh policy" seemed indispensable. This was, perhaps, regrettable, but what could one do if there was no other way out?
"Having previously been extolled as the propagator-as the rock-of Christian faith and as an instrument of Peace, Prussia has now become worthy of the name of the New Germany," says Treitschke (Note that Treitschke thus designates the Order's State of 1260.) Actually, Treitschke might better have said that the Teutonic Order, having until then been successful in camouflaging itself as a Christian Order, was henceforth obliged, under the pressure of events, to show its true face, and to proceed with all the ruthlessness and selfishness inherent in its basic principles-the principles with which it had been endowed by Frederick II and Hermann von Salza. In this manner, it was in future centuries to become what Treitschke, writing in 1886, has designated as the "New Germany"—which name it still bears as part of its present-day mask.
The greater part of the Order's political innovations and attitudes have survived until our time.
Eventually the Borussians of the thirteenth century dared to revolt against their "masters." "The Prussians [Borussians] had forfeited all their rights through revolt," says Treitschke. "Peace treaties with the conquered were now a thing of the past; in their place came subjugation and the imposition of terms dictated entirely by the degree of guilt and by military considerations. The majority of Prussian nobles were reduced to a state of serfdom but the German peasants and those Prussians who had remained faithful, including the serfs, enjoyed great privileges. The Order had entire townships resettled in regions where they might be less threatening. Just as the entire Order's State appears to us as a later-day 'March" in the Carolingian tradition so the duties it imposed on the conquered served the highest purposes of the State . . ."
Of the German philosophers and theoreticians of the nineteenth century who were referred to in the first chapter, some produced what were apparently original ideas. Others cited Machiavelli for justification. But actually all these ideas can be clearly discerned three centuries before Machiavelli in the activities of the Teutonic Knights of the thirteenth century. And this last quotation from Treitschke which describes the basic methods of the Teutonic Knights is like a blueprint for present-day Hitlerian conquest.
The Junker Caste
We shall not go into details concerning the formation of the Prussian State by the Teutonic Knights, nor the ups and downs of the wars which they conducted. We are simply concerned here with showing the origins and evolution of that spirit which characterized the Pan-Prussians of the nineteenth century and of the beginning of the twentieth century-the spirit which still characterizes the Germany of today, regardless of the names by which it has been called.
But the tradition we are discussing here does not belong exclusively to the realm of ideas. We are also facing a powerful combination of actual economic interests established, in the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries among the followers of the Knights, and which may be traced right down to our time. Behind its front, which has been changed frequently in the course of centuries, this combination of interests represented an important motive force for keeping alive those ideas of grandeur of the State and devotion to it which have been propagated in Prussia from the times of the Knights down to the present.
The Knights benefited-personally and as an Order-more than all others in the conquest of Prussian territory. But thousands of nobles soon came from various sections of Germany and settled near the Knights. We can consider these nobles the second most favored of all the groups which gained by the conquest. They were for the most part adventurers lured by profits to these lands where a Crusader was granted every liberty. Here these sons of noblemen—whether they had not yet come into their inheritances, or had squandered them recklessly—might hope to make their fortunes in short order. For some years they served in the armies of the Order without actually taking the Order's vows. Then, thanks to the connections they had made in the Order, they were able to seize estates owned by Borussians or by other native people. They used the whip on the native peasants to compel—the cultivation of their lands and treated them as slaves.
These adventurers arrived in the Borussian territory without possessions, practically beggars. They were called the "Betteljunker" (beggar squires).
Still others were in the group surrounding the Order. There were former members of the Order who had deserted it to marry. There were brothers and cousins of affluent Knights who came to settle where they might profit by their close connections. Then, too, many of the Borussian nobility, now Germanized and ready to accept the most humiliating conditions in order to save their estates, allied themselves with the Betteljunkers during the three centuries referred to above *—which were the "Golden Age" of the Teutonic Order. All these groups intermarried and formed thousands of intermingling ties among themselves, to protect through the complicity of the Order the privileges by which all of them profited. It is the descendants of these groups—the Betteljunkers, the defrocked Knight-friars, the relatives of the Knights, and the Germanized Borussians—who later formed the caste of Prussian Junkers which was to have so great an influence on the affairs of Germany down to our time.[ *Thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.]
From the monastic austerity of the Order stemmed what became known later as "Prussian discipline." Despite this austerity, rigorously imposed wherever relations between Knights or the Order's interests were concerned, an extraordinary laxity of morals prevailed among the Knights in Prussia. The behavior of the Landjunkers, who were not directly under monastic discipline, was largely responsible for the abuses flourishing in the Order's State. This contradictory situation, Spartan discipline intermingled with flagrant abuse, reflected the lasting alliance between representatives of two ideas of life to the advantage of each. It was to remain characteristic of Prussia until the present, and more recently (since 1870), of Germany dominated by Prussia.
In a work published in 1904 (Geschichte des deutschen Ordens) the German writer, Carl Lampens, characterizes as follows the behavior of these ancestors of the Junkers:
"Instead of treating the natives with Christian love, the Order permitted the tyranny of the Landjunkers, as well as that of their own local regents in the newly conquered lands. In a town where the populace had reverted to heathenism, one of these regents, Hermann von Altenburg, had the village exits locked, and slowly burned to death all the inhabitants. . . . The Landjunkers wanted to live only at the expense of the natives, whom they intended to make their personal slaves. When we realize how these Junkers carry on today, in those very provinces, we can well imagine what it must have been like at that time, when there was no opposition press, nor an opposition parliamentary group which might defend the rights of the oppressed." This was written in 1904 when there were, we may say, per interim, an opposition press and parliamentary group in Prussia.
The Borussian Strain
Attempts have often been made to determine whether or not the Borussian heritage runs deep in the blood of present-day Prussians, and particularly the Junker Prussians. It would be no easier to gauge exactly the ethnic contribution of the Borussians to the present-day Prussian group than to evaluate, for example, the precise contribution of the Saxon, as compared with the Norman, to the English of the twentieth century. But we do not need precise, statistical figures to form a general idea of the result of the mingling of Teutonic with Slavic elements in the Prussians.
Despite strict monastic rule over the inner life of the Order, the Knights, in their outside behavior, more nearly resembled the barbaric Teutons of Tacitus than the founders of the Church which preached Charity: pre-Christian elements survived among both the Teutonic Knights and those who surrounded them-the ancestors of the Junkers. The examples set daily by the savage Borussians to the Germans and the marriages between the German Junkers and the Borussian Christian proselytes (who never really understood the moral teachings of the Church) emphasized pre-Christian traits in the Prussianism born of this curious fusion. If we bear in mind that their descent from these pre-Christian or, if we prefer, "barbarous" ancestors is relatively recent, we can better understand the peculiar behavior of the twentiethcentury Junkers-for example the cruel methods of the Fehme in the period after the first World War. Only six centuries have passed since Borussian wives were obliged to render absolute obedience to their husbands, failing which they were burned alive. Lampens tells of the following incident which occurred during the wars between the Knights and Borussians:
"The High Priest invoked the Gods; whereupon the Holy Oracle of Romowe promised the heathens victory, on condition that a German Christian woman offer of her own free will to be burned in sacrifice—a tribute to their Gods. The heathens actually found such a woman who, after becoming satiate with all the pleasures of debauchery, climbed up on the funeral pyre. And now the Prussians arose in their united strength."
The immediate descendants of these Borussians married the daughters of the Betteljunkers and contributed to the formation of a caste which may in many respects be considered a survival of the darkest Middle Ages. The primitive virtues of these uncivilized people were destroyed, but their traditions of cruelty merged, by a sort of 'osmosis, with the harshness and arrogance of the German Knights. Kotzebue says about this:
"All the moral practices and customs of these people, including, unfortunately, its virtues, were later to suffer various mutations, because they were unhappily fused with the superstition and blasphemy of the German Christians. . . . They believed in evil spirits, who would drive the possessed to jump into the water and flames. Along the Baltic seacoast, men fishing for amber would be harassed by ghosts on horseback. Sorcerers carried on their weird business. Pagan rites were still being celebrated in the black of night. The churches remained empty."
The "Two" Germanies
The pure virtues of the city bourgeoisie and their strict adherence to the principles of Christian morality were in curious contrast to the very peculiar moral conceptions of the Teutonic Knights and their entourage. Already, at this point, we can distinguish between "good" and "bad" Germany, but the latter had not yet achieved the preponderance it was to assume in the future. Kotzebue says the following on this subject:
"To the shame of the noble monks, the bourgeoisie remained firm in their morality and order. In the cities, schools were flourishing. Each guild complied with the laws, which assured them peace, decency and virtue. No one could come armed to morning services. While merry-making, 'none must behave in a manner disgraceful to the sight or sound' on penalty of one pound of wax. 'None shall lack respect for the aged, nor shall one offend his neighbor by calling him by an evil name.' They had already formed a club at this time known as the Companye, whose rules, if broken in word or deed, imposed a fine on the violator of one barrel of honey. Similar fines were levied on drunkards. Only after vesper bells had rung would gatherings be permitted, and taverns had to be shut at nine o'clock. No carnivals or fairs except during Shrovetide; women to visit their suitors only during certain limited hours; journeymen not to be allowed time off on the morning following a Feast Day.
"And thus Prussia offered the curious spectacle wherein the immorality of the leaders did not corrupt their subjects and where integrity had fled from the Knight's castle to the burgher's cottage."
This opposition between two contradictory approaches to life was the same in all sections of Germany, where the Teutonic Knights, reaching out from their Prussian fief, had succeeded in establishing a local command in the principal cities. The Order was everywhere detested by the bourgeoisie, and conflicts were frequent. Contrast between them was not confined to the differences in their personal standards but included their social behavior as well. The bourgeoisie could not forgive the numerous broken promises of the Order and others of its acts-inspired alternately by cynicism and hypocrisy which were striking affronts to their own understanding of good and evil.
Here we see before us two contradictory Germanic developments which occurred independently of one another until the middle of the nineteenth century. The one, characterizing the greater part of Germany, was essentially Christian, and formed part of what we call "Western civilization." The other, proceeding in a direct line from the ambitious Germano-Roman emperors, was localized in Prussia. Representatives of the latter tendency recognized no rights but their own, and regarded with great disdain the cooperative, altruistic spirit prevailing in other German States. They described this spirit as the result of "degeneration" and patiently awaited the moment when they could annihilate it in their domination over the rest of Germany. The moment was to come under Bismarck.
The Assassinations of Danzig
The assassination by the Order of the burgomasters of Danzig in 1411 was an event long recalled by the city bourgeoisie. Following the battle of 1410, in which the Knights had suffered the most crushing defeat in their history at the hands of the Poles, the Chief Burgomaster of Danzig, Konrad Lezkau, disguised as a Polish beggar, succeeded in passing through the Polish lines. He managed to warn the Margrave of Brandenburg and other German princes, who hurriedly dispatched considerable reinforcements to the Knights. In the Order's tradition gratitude befitted only the weak; so the Knights imposed heavy taxes and restrictions on the city of Danzig, and when their erstwhile benefactor, Konrad Lezkau, protested bitterly against such behavior, the full rage of the local Comthur was unleashed against him. Upset and unhappy at such a state of affairs, Konrad and the city councillors tried to appease the Knights and a solemn reconciliation took place before the church altar, where both the councillors and the Comthur of the Order promised to forget their differences and to live in peace with one another in the future.
Pretending to celebrate this reconciliation, the Comthur invited Konrad and his colleagues to a great banquet to be given in their honor at the Knights' castle on Palm Sunday. Lezkau, two other burgomasters, and a councillor accepted the invitation. On their way to the castle they met the Comthur's jester, who said to them jokingly: "If you knew what they were cooking, you might not come to eat." One of Lezkau's colleagues was frightened at these words and returned home. The others, under the exhortations of the worthy Konrad, whose honest soul could never suspect the villainy of the Knights, entered the castle and were immediately seized. Brought before the Comthur and his Knights, violent insults assailed them from all sides, but they had the courage to keep calm. Thereupon the Comthur summoned the hangman of Elbing, a neighboring city, and ordered him to execute the three prisoners. The hangman refused, saying that it was not his custom to execute men unless there were legally constituted judgments. He was severely whipped for his insolence and the Knights decided to do this work themselves, and first celebrated their decision in drink for several hours. The prisoners were then brought in. The Knights "leaped at them like mad dogs" (say the chroniclers) and killed them with knives and swords. Lezkau suffered ten wounds and his throat was cut, while one of his colleagues suffered sixteen wounds, and the third seventeen.
For several days thereafter the Order tried to keep secret what had happened, and they even had their guards accept the daily provisions brought each day by the wives of the three men. The wives were told what foods their husbands supposedly would like to eat on the following day, so that they might bring it. Finally, in response to the demands of the municipality, protesting against the Order's right to with hold their leaders arbitrarily, the Comthur had the bodies of the three burgomasters thrown in front of the castle gates. The citizenry, speechless with sorrow, brought back the bodies and buried them.
One might think that the Grand Master, having learned of these events, would perhaps have decided to punish the Danzig Knights, so that the Order might not be identified with such procedures. He did nothing of the sort. On the contrary, the wives and children of the assassinated burgomasters were driven from the city, and all their goods were confiscated.
From Order to Duchy
In the fifteenth century occurred the events which weakened the Teutonic Order and finally led to the creation of the Prussian secular State.
In order to defend themselves against the abuses and autocracy of the Order, the bourgeoisie in the Prussian cities formed a protective "Bund" in 1438, which was named the "Marienwerder Bund," for the site of the place where the organization was formed. The spirit of decency and cooperation was rising against the principles of exploitation and narrow egoism. In the German cities, the Hansa's traditions were in full flower. This league of merchant cities, the Hansa, found both its function and its prosperity in the exchange, rather than the usurpation of other people's goods. United, the members of the Bund considered themselves sufficiently strong to oppose the Order—this vulture which terrorized them.
At first the Bund protested simply against the exactions of the Order. But in 1453 the Emperor upheld the Knights, and severely reprimanded the Bund. The latter, enraged, declared war against the Order in 1454. The Knights trembled, knowing very well the strength of the cities. The fortified "burgs" of the Knights, those detested strongholds which had been dominating the cities from their outskirts, soon fell, one by one, into the hands of the revolting bourgeoisie. At the end of a few weeks the latter had seized fifty-six of these burgs. The war lasted for thirteen years and claimed heavy casualties on both sides. The cities asked assistance of the King of Poland, whom they invited to extend his reign over Prussia -"this country originally evolved from the 'crown of Poland."' The burghers who, for the most part, were German-speaking made this request because they were convinced that all their misfortunes dated from the time of the Knights' reign over their country, and that the Polish kings would show much greater respect for their rights and traditions.
The Knights finally realized that they could no longer continue the struggle. Their army, which had totaled 71,000 men at the beginning of the war, had now decreased to 1700 men. The peace treaty that was signed at Thorn in 1466 represented a complete defeat for the Order. The countries of Culm, Michelau and Pomerania-Minor, with their principal cities of Thom, Danzig, Elbing, Marienburg and the bishopric of Ermeland, came under Polish rule. The Order was allowed to retain the rest of its territory, but the Grand Master, as a "Duke of Poland," was now obliged to yield to the King. Half the officials of the Order, in the lands under its administration, would from now on be Poles. The cities were to be protected, and it was forbidden for the Order to burden them with any new laws or taxes. Following the signing of the treaty, the Grand Master humbled himself on bended knee before King Casimir. The latter quickly helped him to his feet, tears in his eyes.
The only German prince who had aided the Order was the Margrave of Brandenburg, Frederick von Hohenzollern.* [*The Hohenzollerns, natives of Swabia (which was part of Bavaria), were the "Burgraves" (local rulers) of Nuremberg. In 1411 they were raised to the rank of Margrave of Brandenburg by Emperor Sigismund in exchange for a loan of 100,000 Hungarian florins, a loan greatly appreciated by the Emperor, who was constantly in need of money.]
The Margrave and the Order had concluded an unusual pact, promising to give mutual aid to one another against the subjects of each. It was the Margrave who, in 1466, acting in the name of the Order, negotiated the peace with the King of Poland for the Knights.
Relations between the Order and the Hohenzollcrns were now excellent. It is understandable then, that the Knights considered it useful in 1511 to elect Albert of Hohenzollern and Brandenburg to the dignity of Grand Master of the Order, which post he filled with full understanding of the Order's traditions and aims.
Nevertheless, it was Albert who was responsible for the secularization of the Order's State. Actually the Teutonic Knights for some time now had been much more a caste controlling a State, than a Monk's Order serving religious ends. The Knight-officials were most influential, and directed everything for the benefit of the Order, of themselves, and of the Junkers, with whom they were united by bonds of kinship, friendship and complicity. A very small minority of the Knights were still faithful to the religious traditions, but they had no influence on the Order. Albert did nothing but give official status to an existing condition, when in 1525 he transformed the Order's State into the hereditary Duchy of Prussia (with approval of the King of Poland, who remained suzerain of the Duchy as he had been of the Order's State).
The occasion for this act was the Reformation, the ideas of which Albert allowed to penetrate deeply into the Order. This had curious consequences, for it was possible for some time to witness the strange spectacle of an Order of Monks, of whom some were Catholic but the majority Lutheran; an Order having two initiation rituals with slight differences between them—one for the Catholic Brothers and the other for the Lutheran disciples. In reality there was nothing astonishing in this evolution, for, as we have seen, the allegedly religious Order had been German above all from the very time of its origin. Its function had never been spiritual, but was inspired exclusively by imperialistic purposes.
A "Hospital" for German Nobility
The transformation from the Order's State to Duchy did not at all change the internal organization of the State. The former Knights retained their positions, but from now on it was possible for them to marry legally. Thus they found themselves on the same level as their allies, the Junkers. The few remaining Knights who were still faithful to the traditions of a closed and monastic Order emigrated to Mergentheim, there to continue as a living anachronism shorn of every purpose and function. Finally in 1809, Napoleon dissolved this phantom Order,* but he did not shatter the forces of the true Teutonic Order, which, secularized and hiding behind a variety of masks, survived in the Prussian State.[ * It continued its existence in Austria and was officially reestablished in Prussia at the end of the nineteenth century by Wilhelm Il.]
All sorts of organizations served as disguises. Secret societies had been functioning in the shadow of the Teutonic Order. The Junkers were not directly subject to rules of the Order. They had found it useful to form bonds among themselves, under protection of which they could further their own interests and pursue ends similar to those of the Order. As far back as 1397 there had been created a secret Junker society known as the "Society of Lizards"—Eidechsengesellschaft—a name whose symbolic significance may have been that its members' intention was to creep in among the fissures of the Order's State. Certain Grand Masters tolerated these activities while others were more strict, as much toward the members of the Order as toward the Junkers, their accomplices. Lampens, lenient toward the Order and speaking from a distinctly German point of view, comments as follows on the Eidechsengesellschaft (Geschichte des deutschen Ordens, 1904):
"The Landjunkers, in their inconsiderate exploitation of the peasantry, faced constant obstacles from the officers of the Order. Now a-section of the Landjunkers formed an apparently harmless but actually most treacherous association-the EldechsengescUschaft—claiming, as it is often said today, that its purpose was 'the protection of their own interests!' According to the secret rules of this Association the Landjunkers were to support patriotic German interests only if this were to their own advantage. And already at that time they found their advantage only in the ruin of the rest of humanity. The entire country existed for them alone, to be exploited and abused by them."
Kotzebue claims that the "Society of Lizards" eventually became the real cause of the replacement of the Order by the Prussian State . . . . .. Their foundation charter referred to the Grand Masters with respect and gave no hint that they would challenge the authority of the latter. Nevertheless they showed no hesitation later in declaring that if justice were denied them they would take self-protective measures. And so even at this time, the seed had developed which after half a century was to push the strong roots of the 'Order-Oak' out from the blood-soaked earth."
The Order was eliminated from Prussia by the Junkers because the Junkers wanted to monopolize the supreme power of the State for their own advantage. When the Grand Master, Albert von Hohenzollern, transformed the Order's State into a Duchy he was acting most probably, under the influence of thi
