tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-197101822011-11-07T05:07:10.254-08:00Investigations into the Order of Skull & Bones and affiliated organizations.RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.comBlogger501100tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1165274075796856342006-12-04T15:14:00.000-08:002006-12-04T15:16:36.363-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/x/blogger/3639/1956/1600/694306/secretsociety25.jpg"><img style="margin: 0px auto 10px; display: block; text-align: center; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/x/blogger/3639/1956/320/459780/secretsociety25.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">Boodle Boys/Girls - Current roster</a><br /><br /><br />Howdy One & All,<br /><br />Here a list of recent members of the Order of Skull &amp; Bones. The dates with an x have been confirmed from the Order's own paperwork.<br /><br />The complete known membership list is available for download in a spreadsheet at http://ctrl.org/boodleboys/index.html<br /><br />Peace,<br />K<br /><br />Boasberg, Thomas Alexander 1986 x DC<br />Budill, Edward McRae 1986 x NY/Pittsford<br />Chittenden, John Sisson 1986 x NY, Brookly<br />Crotty, Sean Patrick 1986 x ME, Kennebunkport<br />Dodge, William Sickels 1986 x CA/ San Anselmo<br />Gottheim, Joshua Chess 1986 x NY. Johnson City<br />Havas, Steffan Thayer 1986 x NV/ Reno<br />Hilliard, Jeffrey 1986 x PA/ Stroudsbourg<br />Kline, David Franklin 1986 x ND, Fargo<br />Meyer, Tory Austin 1986 x NY, Chappaqua<br />Quamina, Alvan Vincent George 1986 x CT/NH<br />Reeves, William Huntington 1986 x VA, Richmond<br />Schillinger, Edward Alexander 1986 x NY, Mt Kisco<br />Strong, Thomas Joseph 1986 x NYC<br />Walton, Reginald Keith 1986 x Law AL/Birmingham<br />Cheeks, George Arthur 1987 x OH/ University Heights<br />Dudley, Andrew Jenkins 1987 x IL/Oak Park<br />Ewing, Dino Bartlett 1987 x DC<br />Guettel, Adam Arthur 1987 x NYC<br />Jeffries, Christopher Warden 1987 x CT/New Canaan<br />Keck, David Alderson 1987 x CT/NH<br />Loveyjoy, John Cooper 1987 x PA/sewickly<br />Millard, Hugh 1987 x NYC<br />Moscoso, Ricardo 1987 x NYC<br />Nguyen, Linh Cuu 1987 x SC/Greenville<br />Shapiro, Michael David 1987 x MA/Brookline<br />Sylvain, John Stanislaus Henry, II 1987 x NH/Hampton Falls<br />Wheeler, Kenneth Edward 1987 x NY/Springfield Gardens<br />Wishnie, Michael Joel 1987 x MA/ Newton<br />Yoder, Paul Justin 1987 x CA/Elk Grove<br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />1988 <br />Agha, Sohail 1989 x Pakistan/Karachi<br />Alicea, Noel 1989 x NJ/ Newark<br />Ashby, Arlan Marcus Caine 1989 x NY/ Edison<br />Cervepis, Todd Christopher 1989 x NC/ Durham<br />Cornwell, Michael James 1989 x DC<br />Fisher, Whitney Charles 1989 x NYC<br />Giamatti, Paul Edwards Valentine 1989 x CT/Hamden<br />Haas, James Andrew 1989 x MA/Weston<br />Korn, Daniel 1989 x NY/Fresh Meadows<br />Lawerence, Glover Harold 1989 x OR/Portland<br />O'Brien, Edward Orestes 1989 x NY/St. James<br />Puchtler, Joel Scobie 1989 x NH/ Barrington<br />Ryan, Michael David 1989 x NY/Staten Island<br />Walsh, Michael Francis 1989 x CO/Boulder<br />Williams, Derrick Maurice 1989 x MI/Detroit<br />Abrams, Lawrence Dewyatt 1990 x NYC<br />Aibel, Matthew Benjamin 1990 x NYDemarest<br />Allara, Willis Chapman 1990 x MA/Wayland<br />Arndt, Willis Chapman, Jr. 1990 x CT/Old Lyme<br />Cohen, Andrew Jay 1990 x FL/Brandon<br />Figueroa, Richard 1990 x IL/Chicago<br />Gajdusek, Karl Lawrence 1990 x CA/Corte Madera<br />Hajanal, Zoltan Lloyd 1990 x Canda/Whiteshore Place<br />Liu, Eric P. 1990 x NY/Wappingers Falls<br />Milbank, Dana Timothy 1990 x NY/Merrick<br />Nondorf, James Gregory Robert 1990 x IN/Hammond<br />Pike, Stephen Langdon 1990 x NY/Rochester<br />Reed, Mark Armstead 1990 x CT/NH<br />Sellars, Reginald Bryant 1990 x NC/Winston-Salem<br />Wertheim, John Vincent 1990 x NM/Santa Fe<br />Alston, Jonathan Adriel 1991 x NJ/ Newark<br />Battle, Marell Eston 1991 x Al/Huntsville<br />Campbell, Cecil Dean Clarke 1991 x MD/Silver Spirings<br />Delevett, Peter Christian, II 1991 x FL/Pensacola<br />Estep. Bryon Stearns 1991 x NYC<br />Goolsbee, Austan Dean 1991 x CA/Whittier<br />Johnson, Terrell Gordon 1991 x MA/ Mendon<br />Jones, Benjamin Silliman 1991 x MA/Greenfield<br />Keaveney, Kevin Michael 1991 x CO/CO springs<br />Passoja, Erik Allen 1991 x NYC<br />Schwimmer, David Adam 1991 x NYC<br />Stracks, John Steven 1991 x IL/Winnetka<br />Vasquez, Wilfredo 1991 x NY/Bronx<br />Webster, Douglas Clifford 1991 x VA/Vienna<br />Worth, John Harold 1991 x NYC<br />Abdul, Makunda 1992 x NJ/Cranbury<br />Bernstein, Daniel Jeremy 1992 x NYC<br />Davis, Marco Antonio Enrique Castaneda 1992 x NY/Mt. Vernon<br />Gitchell, Joseph Graham 1992 x IA, Ames<br />Gray, David Edman 1992 x OH, Dayton<br />Kirchman, Dana 1992 x NYC<br />Kouri, Christopher Henry 1992 x NC/Charlotte<br />O'Buachalla, Ciaran Padraig 1992 x Ireland/Piercetown<br />Romain, Alex 1992 x MA/Boston<br />Sharkey, Catherine Moira 1992 x MD/Baltimor<br />So, Lilly Yang 1992 x NY/Rye Brook<br />Stanley, Elizabeth Ahylyn 1992 x VA/Burke<br />Strain, Christian Raymond 1992 x France/ Chatou<br />x 1992 x<br />x 1992 x<br />Boren, Carrie Christine 1993 x TX/Longview<br />Colavito, Peter Nicholas 1993 x NY/Bronx<br />Gonzales, Oscar Reynaldo 1993 x Honduras, Puerto Cortes<br />Lehman, Ann Louise 1993 x PA/Holtwood<br />Ngo, Karen Ka-Kei 1993 x CA/Morga<br />Park, Chan 1993 x MD/Rockville<br />Peters, Gregory Kent 1993 x VA/McLean<br />Pihl, Tina 1993 x CT/Guilford<br />Rothman, Adam 1993 x MA/Boston<br />Ruff, Tayna Renee 1993 x OH/Cincinatti<br />Sheronas, David Anthony 1993 x PA/Devon<br />Skidmore, Robert Riley 1993 x CT/NH<br />Taylor, Camilla Bronwen 1993 x OH/Cleve;and Heights<br />Vishio, Eva Patrice 1993 x MD/Baltimor<br />Whyte, Paul Andrew 1993 x NY/Bronx<br />Breyer, Nell Beryl 1994 x MA/Cambridge<br />Clark, Philip 1994 x PA/Brookhaven<br />Gilhool, Nicholas Kane 1994 x PA/Philadelphia<br />Grennan, Kate 1994 x NY/Jersey City<br />Hess, Mignon Page 1994 x WA/Ridgefield<br />Lee, Simon Craddock 1994 x NY/Pelham<br />Leonhardt, David René 1994 x NY/Hastings-on-the-Hudson<br />Lieberman, Aaron Oscar Lewis 1994 x AZ/Phoenix<br />Martinson, Haldan 1994 x CA/Santa Monica<br />Perry, Imani Nia Chiara 1994 x MA/Cambridge<br />Rocha, Alina Merceds 1994 x Mexico/DF<br />Saunders, John Kenneth 1994 x OH/Whitehouse<br />Singley, M'Balia Kafi 1994 x PA/Melrose Park<br />Warnick, Angela Lee 1994 x WA/Tacoma<br />Waterman, Shana Christie 1994 x MI/Pontiac<br />Dacosta, Michelle Marcia 1995 x NJ/Irnington<br />Emerson, Geoffrey Guy 1995 x WA/Seattle<br />Grunstein, Yoav 1995 x Israel/Hereliya<br />Hadayia, Jennifer Marie 1995 x TX/Bellaire<br />Joo, Sonya Yunee 1995 x NJ/Berkley Heights<br />Martin, Donald Washington 1995 x VA/Rural Retreat<br />Martinez, Enrique 1995 x CA/Union City<br />Mellish, Daniel Joseph 1995 x IL/Downers Grove<br />Nelson, Emily 1995 x NYC<br />Phan, Anh Ngoc 1995 x CA/San Jose<br />Poole, Yusef 1995 x CT/NH<br />Rivera, Aimee 1995 x NY/Bronx<br />Rosenbaum, Judith 1995 x CT/NH<br />Shiffman, Daniel Thomas 1995 x MD/Baltimor<br />Wagner, Janna Marie 1995 x CT/NH<br />Crane, Monica Kim 1996 x MO/St. Louis<br />Flores, Israel 1996 x CT/Hartford<br />Guckenberger, Virginia Walker 1996 x OH/Cincinatti<br />Hahn, Albert Sanghyup 1996 x NYC<br />Jackson, Kwame Addae 1996 x CA/Santa Barbara<br />Krishnamurthy, Preethi 1996 x CT/Ridgefield<br />Malvestutto, Carlos Diego 1996 x Canada/Ontario<br />Mazurkiewicz, Tony 1996 x IN/Crown Point<br />Norton, Nadjwa Effat Laila 1996 x CT/NH<br />Oda, Jonathan Francis Tadashi 1996 x HI/Hononlulu<br />Okpokwasili, Okwuchukwu Addania 1996 x NJ/Howell<br />Oppenheimer, Mark Edward 1996 x Writer MA/Springfield<br />Pipersburgh, Denise Joan 1996 x NY/Brooklyn<br />Taylor, Clinton Watson 1996 x OK/Durant<br />Weintraub, Rebecca Lynn 1996 x NY/White Plains<br />Arputhasamy, Paula 1997 x NY/Shirley<br />Das, Sarba 1997 x NJ/Randolph<br />Estrada, Francisco Javier 1997 x NY/Astoria<br />Farhadian, Tali Farimah 1997 x NJ/ Englewood Cliffs<br />Johnston, Michael Christopher Cox 1997 x CO/Vail<br />Klein, Jonathan Adam 1997 x CA/Placentia<br />Obioha, Nkechinyere Lovena 1997 x CA/LA<br />Park, Hyun 1997 x Spain/Los Palmas<br />Reeder, Gary Lacy, II 1997 x NC/Seagrove<br />Selzer, Robert Jackson 1997 x MO/KC<br />Shakman, Matthew Joseph 1997 x CA/Ventura<br />Sims, Patrick James 1997 x IL/Riverdale<br />Sweet, David McIntyre 1997 x PA/St. Davids<br />Whaley, Darcy Anne 1997 x WA/Federal Way<br />Yoon, Jane 1997 x NJ/river Vale<br />Bain, Regina 1998 x FL/rivera Beach<br />Choo, Michael Youngjun 1998 x MA/Cambridge Korea<br />Feigelson, Joshua Meir 1998 x MI/Ann Arbor -- CT/NH<br />Fromm, Blanca Monica Nele 1998 x CA/Altadena<br />Gastic, Blue (Billie) 1998 x NYC<br />Gilbert, Laura Elaine 1998 x VA/Stanardsville<br />Herskovits, Adrianna Zara 1998 x NYC<br />Hunterton, Gaberiel Sargent 1998 x NV/Las Vegas<br />Hoo, Robert George 1998 x CT/NH<br />Knable, Miles Andrew 1998 x CA/Sacramento<br />Kronman, Matthew Pattersom 1998 x DC<br />Min, Hae-Won 1998 x NJ/Tenafly<br />Pan, Christopher 1998 x CT/NH<br />Wilson, Isaiah, II 1998 x KY/Louisville<br />Williams, Lorelei 1998 x NYC<br />Abbot, Frances Reyburn (Frankie) 1999 x NYC<br />Auh, Eugene 1999 x Korea/Seoul<br />Benton, Scott Richard 1999 x IL, West Dundee<br />Eisenstadt, Leora F. 1999 x NY/White Plains<br />Falcon, Angel Luis, Jr. 1999 x NJ/South Hackensack<br />Fromm, Juliette Erica 1999 x CA/Altadena<br />Gonzalez-Altamirano, Julio 1999 x TX/McAllen<br />Lee, Earl Andrew 1999 x CA/Lafayette<br />McBride, Webster Dean 1999 x MD/Checy Chase<br />Medard, Wilodene Anastasia-Marie 1999 x Haiti/Port-au-Prince<br />Murphy, Maiya Jane 1999 x CO/Lakewood<br />Petit, Charles J. 1999 x CA/LaCanada<br />Raborar, Farrah Ann 1999 x MO/Springfield<br />Rashid, Tauheedah 1999 x CA/Oakland<br />Scott, Shannon 1999 x SC/Conway<br />Anderson, Dargie 2000 <br />Berrelez, Manuel 2000 <br />Blake, Benjamin 2000 <br />Borghese, Luca 2000 <br />Charles, Anana 2000 <br />Denit, Kelly 2000 <br />Heikkila, Jennifer 2000 <br />Hirway, Hrishikesh 2000 <br />Hongo, Andrew 2000 <br />Johnson, Ayanna 2000 <br />Kirowski, John 2000 <br />Lester, Sara 2000 <br />Mizrahi, Celine 2000 <br />Renan, Daphna 2000 <br />Walker, Christopher 2000 <br />Amaez, Daniel 2001 x NJ NY/Yorktown Heights<br />Barret, Annie Rachel 2001 x MD MA/Cambridge<br />Boone, Louvonia 2001 x KS GA/Calhoun<br />Cavaco, Isaiah 2001 x TX CA/Orange<br />Duncan, Mark MacKenzie 2001 x MA CA/Santa Ynez<br />Gahan, Kimberly Ann 2001 x NC MA/Belmont<br />Harris, Melanie 2001 x IA NY/New Rochelle<br />Maserati, Sarah Anne 2001 x CT CA/Palo Alto<br />Mazza, Peter 2001 x PA CT/Cheshire<br />Nam, Steve Taek 2001 x CA CA/Corona<br />Popper, Lauren Jane 2001 x CA CT/Riverside<br />Proper, Scott Bradley 2001 x CA NY/Niskayuna<br />Reyes, Patrick 2001 x CT NE/Scottsbluff<br />Sandy, Akobe 2001 x CA NY/Brooklyn<br />Slade David 2001 x CA AR/Fayetteville<br />Austin, Scott Alan 2001 x NJ/River Edge<br />Bair, Caitlin 2001 x MD/Highland<br />Banerjee, Bidisha 2001 x KS/Lawrence<br />Bazzle, John Bradley 2001 x TX/Dallas<br />Gaughen, Patrick Robert 2001 x MA/Cohasset<br />Goldsmith, William Dixon 2001 x NC/Old Fort<br />Herlwig, Paige Lynn 2001 x IA/Des Moines<br />Hudson, Jared McCabe 2001 x CT/ New Milford<br />Im, Jaisohn 2001 x PA/Wynnewood<br />Jiminez, Carlos 2001 x CA/Baldwin Park<br />Montgomery, Kenita Trenae 2001 x CA/Oakland<br />Montoya, Maceo 2001 x CA/Elmira<br />Penna, Timothy Rick 2001 x CT/Branford<br />Premejee, Sharmeen Malik 2001 x CA/LA<br />Ruiz, Sara Elizabeth 2001 x CA/Davis<br />Archibong, Ime 2003 <br />Cobbett, Ashley 2003 <br />Feins, Eric 2003 <br />Kelly, E. B. 2003 <br />Lange, Jason 2003 <br />Norris, Graham 2003 <br />Pearce, James 2003 <br />Schraufnagel, Billy 2003 <br />x 2003 <br />x 2003 <br />x 2003 <br />x 2003 <br />x 2003 <br />x 2003 <br />x 2003 <br />Almy, Chad 2004 <br />Ashraf, Sumeyya 2004 <br />Burke, James 2004 <br />Melniker, Sophie 2004 <br />So, Perry 2004 <br />Vitelli, Paul 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />x 2004 <br />Carr, Rob 2005 <br />Croffy, Ally 2005 <br />Fairbanks, Eve 2005 <br />Favors, Jeohn 2005 <br />Grimm, Dan 2005 <br />Morales, Derek 2005 <br />Ng, Derek 2005 <br />Schemmer, Katharine 2005 <br />Shamas, Raja 2005 <br />Shanor, Dicky 2005 <br />Smith, Kirby 2005 <br />Sokolow, Eleanor 2005 <br />Tang, Aaron 2005 <br />x 2005 <br />x 2005 <br />Austin, Paige 2006 <br />Babha, Satya 2006 <br />Dalby, Owen 2006 <br />Dyches, Brandon 2006 <br />Edsail, Caroline 2006 <br />Fei, Jessica 2006 <br />Frericks, Anson 2006 <br />Hopkins, A. J. 2006 <br />Mehta, Nazneen 2006 <br />Liebenluft, Jacob 2006 <br />Phan, Don 2006 <br />Raza, Gul 2006 <br />Sarnelli, Crissaris 2006 <br />Shamas, Diala 2006 <br />Thomas, Andre 2006<div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-116527407579685634?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com53tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1163871979212373392006-11-18T09:44:00.000-08:002006-11-18T10:09:09.930-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/villadeathmask.0.jpg"><img style="margin: 0px auto 10px; display: block; text-align: center; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/320/villadeathmask.0.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br />from:<br />The New Yorker<br />11/27/89<br />p. 108-120<br /><div style="text-align: center;">LA CABEZA DE VILLA<br /></div><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">ONE of the current members of the Wednesday Group can say precisely when it was founded. They know that the original Wednesday Group-a weekly, luncheon gathering of self-selected representatives of the intelligentsia of El Paso, Texas—-got started more than twenty-five years ago, and that Pablo Bush Romero, who goes back almost twenty years, is the senior active member. They know that solidarity is a Wednesday Group tradition. In other words, whatever Pablo Bush Romero ultimately decides to do about Pancho Villa’s skull—even if circumstances force him to drag the Wednesday Group into a high-profile geopolitical controversy—the other members are a good bet to back him up a hundred per cent, more or less.<br /><br />Pablo Bush Romero, a tall and imposing bald man with a pencil-thin mustache, who is now in his mid-eighties, reads a lot. A couple of years ago, he came across “Let the Tail Go with the Hide,” a cowhide-bound vanity-press as-told-to memoir that was published in 1984 by an Arizona rancher and businessman named Ben F. Williams and his daughter-amanuensis, Teresa Williams Irvin. “I read this book by accident,” Bush Romero said later, meaning that the general subject matter lay outside his usual areas of interest, which include under-water archeology, big-game hunting, and Mexican history. What did arouse his interest was two passages that seemed to explain the fate of Pancho Villa’s skull—la cabeza de Villa—which became separated from the rest of his bones in 1926 and has been missing ever since. Villa, the fabled Mexican Centaur—peon hero, scourge of the landowner, part-time bandido, brilliant military strategist—was assassinated and buried in Parral, a town south of Chihuahua, in 1923. According to “Let the Tail Go with the Hide,” Ben Williams happened to turn up in Parral in February of 1926, a few days after an acquaintance of his, an American soldier of fortune named Emil Holmdahl, was jailed as a suspect in the desecration of Villa’s tomb. Williams described visiting Holmdahl in the Parral jail, receiving assurances that he had had nothing to do with robbing the tomb, and arranging for his release. When Williams next encountered Holmdahl, about six weeks later in EI Paso, the soldier of fortune confessed not only that he had robbed the tomb and disposed of the head but also that he had collected twenty-five thousand dollars for his trouble and wished to express his gratitude. An apparent capacity for recalling punchy dialogue verbatim was one of Williams’ remarkable skills:<br /><br />“Half the money is yours, because you got me out of that damned jail. I have it in my pocket.”<br />I looked at him and said, “Emil, if I had known then what you’re telling me now, you’d still be in that jail. I’m not interested in your goddamn money!”<br />He said, “What difference does it make, whether that head is in the hole where it was or where it is now?”<br />I got up from the table and left. That was the last time I ever saw Major Emil Holmdahl.<br /><br />Forty-five years and a hundred and eighty-five pages later, in Phoenix, Williams visited a friend, Frank Brophy. On Brophy’s wall he saw “a plaque of the Skull and Bones Society.” When Brophy acknowledged that he was a member of Skull and Bones and remarked that “we have Pancho Villa’s skull in our house at Yale,” Williams proceeded to tell him the tale of Holmdahl, the jail in Parral, and the twenty-five thousand dollars. Brophy replied, “By God, that’s right! Five of us put up five thousand dollars apiece. The other members of Skull and Bones covered his expenses.”<br /><br />It is a simple fact that Frank Brophy graduated from Yale College but was never a member of Skull and Bones, the most myth-shrouded of Yale’s under-graduate senior societies. Whatever hung on Brophy’s wall would therefore not have been “a plaque of the Skull and Bones Society.” This strongly implies, of course, that if Frank Brophy (who died in 1978) told Ben Williams (who died in 1985) that he and four Bones accomplices had paid twenty-five thousand dollars for Pancho Villa’s cranium his object was to embroider an anecdote that sounded to him more colorful than truthful. It also implies that Brophy was the sort of person who would have enjoyed knowing that a casual, innocent prevarication of his could resurface and cause a stir in EI Paso many years later. Above all, it implies that Frank Brophy and Ben Williams would have fitted right in with the Wednesday Group. In EI Paso—along the blurry border, where the truth can often become as cloudy as the water in the Rio Grande, where history has immediacy and mythology counts for a lot—simple facts tend to ferment awhile before they’re allowed to imply much at all.<br /><br />BEING dead for sixty-six years has not seriously diminished Pancho Villa’s topicality in EI Paso. Newspaper editors there have long assumed that interchangeable stories marking the anniversary of Villa’s assassination or one of his military skirmishes—with headlines like “PANCHO VILLA RIDES AGAIN IN MEMORY”—make good if not necessarily fresh copy. If, no anniversary is convenient, it’s always O.K. to send a feature writer over to Juarez to interview one of Villa’s widows. In downtown EI Paso, the hotel concierge can still point you to buildings that bear alleged bullet scars left by Villa’s troops. Knowledgeable natives can offer directions to the office of the doctor who periodically treated Villa for chronic gonorrhea. A man in El Paso told me not long ago, with obvious pride, that his mother once danced with General John (Black Jack) Pershing, Villa’s nemesis. Any self-respecting night spot in Juarez, it is said, comes equipped with a mariachi group capable of rendering at least half a dozen corridos, or ballads, about Villa—including, of course, the popular standard “La Decapitación de Pancho Villa.”<br /><br />In 1960, Haldeen Braddy, a profes-sor at what was then Texas Western College and is now the University of Texas at EI Paso, or UTEP, published an article in the journal Western Folk-lore titled “The Head of Pancho Villa.” Braddy catalogued all the extant theories concerning the missing skull: the tomb was violated by Villa’s enemies, among them one of his assassins and a Mexican Army general; the skull ended up in the hands of American scientists who thought studying it would reveal the source of Villa’s battlefield genius; the culprits were treasure hunters attracted by the legend that tattooed to Villa’s scalp was a map showing where he had buried gold ingots in the Sierra Madre. Braddy also discussed Emil Holmdahl but offered an account of his capture, interrogation, and release not at all consistent with what Ben Williams recorded in his memoirs a quarter of a century later. Other sources suggested that Holmdahl had once tried to buy the head—from the Mexican general—but had failed to come up with the money. Braddy, however, turned up no evidence of this. “The head of Pancho Villa, in the absence of proof to the contrary, is still in Mexico,” Braddy concluded.<br /><br />Current events have been a staple of Wednesday Group conversations, along with history, archeology, and anthropology. Haldeen Braddy’s scholarship notwithstanding, however, until Pablo Bush Romero introduced la cabeza de Villa as a discussion topic none of the other members had given it much thought. “As a matter of fact, we didn’t even know the son of a bitch was missing,” Frank Hunter told me. Hunter started hanging out with the Wednesday Group around the time he stopped practicing law full time, seven years ago, and he doesn’t deny that his eagerness to pursue la cabeza de Villa has dovetailed with his wife’s eagerness to get him out of the house more often. Three afternoons a week, Hunter puts in regular hours on the golf course, but golf alone cannot nourish an inquisitive mind. It was the former American consul-general in Juarez, now a lapsed member, who originally invited Hunter to join the Wednesday Group. As now constituted, the group reflects a catholic range of interests. Pablo Bush Romero, the exemplar, has had several lucrative careers—automobile dealer (the largest Ford agencies in Mexico City and Juarez), resort developer (on the Yucatan Peninsula), and movie producer (he once showed me a picture of himself with Lupita Topar, “the Mexican Mary Pickford”). Alex Apos-tolides is an archeologist, a museum curator, a free-lance folklorist, co-host (with his wife) of a weekly South-western-history program on the local National Public Radio affiliate, and a weekly columnist for the EI Paso Herald-Post. Oscar Gonzalez has a ranch near Juarez and occasionally promotes bullfights and prizefights. Eugene Finke is a retired Navy captain and electrical engineer who has taught political science at UTEP. Bob Massey has taught studio-art courses at the university. John Bockoven, who happens to be Frank Hunter’s brother-in-law, was stationed in EI Paso, at Fort Bliss, during the Second World War but devoted his civilian career to the insurance business in Wisconsin until five years ago; then he retired to EI Paso and immediately joined the Wednesday Group. A couple of retired Army generals, among them a commanding officer of Fort Bliss, have drifted in and out. So have a rabbi and an F.B.I. agent. Donald Rathbun, an active member, is a physician who once trekked part of the way up Mt. Everest. He is also an accomplished photographer and geologist who carries two business cards-one for his medical practice and one that says “METEOR-ITE RECOVERY EL PASO.” Along with Apostolides, he has organized extra-curricular Wednesday Group excursions to Mexico. Because his avocations demand as much time as his vocation, Dr. Rathbun says, it is a convenient coincidence that his medi-cal specialty is neurology and that the missing part of Pancho Villa is the skull.<br /><br />I once asked Frank Hunter to explain the protocols of the Wednesday Group, and he said, “No officers, no rules, no nothin’.” As Hunter recalls the scene, Bush Romero showed up at lunch one Wednesday in the spring of 1987 with a copy of “Let the Tail Go with the Hide,” read the passages relating to Villa and Skull and Bones, and said, “Who wants to help me get this thing back?” No one at the table that day had any grasp of the rather more refined protocols of Bones: that fifteen male Yale seniors are selected each year to join the society, thereby entering a brotherhood whose bonds are supposed to offer ineffable but enduring spiritual sustenance; that no one who is not a member or an employee is ever supposed to enter Bones’ so-called tomb, a nearly windowless sandstone monolith in the center of the Yale campus; that it was once customary for a member who happened to be outside the tomb and heard the phrase “skull and bones” uttered to excuse himself, more or less in the manner of Clark Kent abruptly heading off to be Superman for a while. The Wednesday Group merely had a sense that Skull and Bones was old (it was founded in 1832), Eastern, and elitist. And the name, of course, suggested the potential for shadowy activities-say, plundering grave sites in the Mexican outback.<br /><br />“Pablo’s immediate suggestion was that he would pay for tickets for us to go up to Connecticut and get the skull out of the Skull and Bones tomb up there at Yale,” Hunter said. “The thing that squashed that idea was that we would have to get some sort of admission into the place and we knew we didn’t have it. There was no sense all of us just wandering around New Haven.”<br /><br />Instead, Hunter put in a call to Benno Schmidt, then recently installed as president of Yale. Without much difficulty, he got through and was able to explain why the Wednesday Group was interested in Villa’s skull. Schmidt replied that the subject was brand-new to him but that he would check it out. A few days later, Hunter received a call from Endicott Peabody Davison, Bones Class of ‘48, a partner in the white-shoe Wall Street law firm Winthrop, Stimson, Putnam & Roberts, a former officer of Yale University, and at the time the designated spokesman for the Russell Trust Association, the governing body of Bones. Both Hunter and Davison, who is known to his familiars as Cottie, recall their first conversation as friendly. After stating with confidence that Skull and Bones didn’t have la cabeza de Villa, Cottie Davison said, “But if you’re looking for a skull we can probably get you one from the Yale Medical School.” Hunter demurred. What he and his friends had in mind, after all, was a particular skull.<br /><br />I once heard a Bonesman from the nineteen-thirties brag that there was a time when all senior societies collected relics, and that Bonesies, being naturally superior in every respect, could not avoid excelling at this sport. He quickly added, however, that this institutional interest in relics “was of course generic rather than specific.” (According to this logic, there is no obvious explanation of how Wolf’s Head, the only other remaining all-male senior society, came to possess a set of Hitler’s silverware.) A Bonesman who was an undergraduate,<br />in the early seventies, and who has difficulty discerning the humor in this subject, said, “We’re not in the business of buying human remains.” A journalist and Yale alumnus who once investigated Skull and Bones says he is disinclined to believe the cabeza de Villa story, “because those old Wasps are so cheap it’s very unlikely they’d pay, twenty-five thousand dollars for it.”<br /><br />If Davison expected Hunter simply to go away after their first conversations, he failed to take account of several factors, not the least of which was that Hunter, a lifelong resident of El Paso, relished the challenge of corresponding with a New England Brahmin named Endicott Peabody Davison. What motivated the members of the Wednesday Group above all was the knowledge that, no matter how slight might be their reason to believe that Pancho Villa’s skull reposed with-in the Bones tomb, they had plenty of free time to search for corroborating evidence. And so what if they couldn’t prove that Bones had la cabeza de Villa? Merely by stating their suspicion, they had burdened the trustees of Skull and Bones with the logically impossible task of proving that Bones didn’t have it.<br /><br />SOME months ago, I sat in Dr. Rathbun’s office, in a quiet neighborhood near downtown EI Paso, in a room lined with glass display cases full of archeological and geological specimens and bookshelves stacked with medical literature. A square brown metal file box with an orange label that said “VILLA’S HEAD” rested at our feet. La cabeza de Villa—or, for that matter, the head of an adult gorilla—would have fitted neatly inside. In fact, however, the box contained copies of Dr. Rathbun’s voluminous avocational correspondence. During the past two years, he had written more than two hundred letters on behalf of the Wednesday Group. He wrote to the American Medical Association asking whether its archives might contain information about Villa’s head injuries. He also wrote to the A.M.A. requesting information about Holmdahl, who seems to have last been heard of in Arizona in the fifties. He had been in touch with a forensic archeologist at the University of Wyoming who had developed a computer technique that made it possible to regenerate from a skull the image of a human face. From the director of research of the Institute of Texas Cultures he requested photographs showing Villa with his mouth open. In EI Paso, Dr. Rathbun tracked down the daughter of a dentist who treated Villa on several occasions, but it turned out that the dentist had been dead for more than a decade and the daughter had burned all his records. In a letter to the National Academy of History and Geography in Mexico City he sought, among other things, information about a dentist whose first name was Roberto (but whose last name he could not recall), who might have treated Villa. The Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, in Washington, sent Dr. Rathbun eight-by-ten glossy photographs, taken July 22, 1923, of the fresh corpse of Villa. A publisher in Parral sent photocopies of similar images, newspaper accounts of the assassination, excerpts from a book that recounted the’ assassination and the robbing of the grave, and a transcription of excerpts from Villa’s autopsy. In a letter to a Latin-American studies expert at New Mexico State University—a possible source of dental records, X-rays, or pathology reports—Dr. Rathbun discussed suing Skull and Bones to force their representatives to swear under oath that they didn’t have the skull.<br /><br />“Our only goal in this whole thing is to improve relations between the United States and Mexico,” Dr. Rathbun said as he leafed through his files. “I think Mexico is embarrassed that the head of one of its national heroes is missing, and the Mexicans feel paranoid. Our roads are better, our schools are better, they owe our banks billions of dollars. At a gut level, when they come to the realization that the head of one of their heroes is residing in a club in a rich man’s school this is a thorn in their side. I think some people would be very pissed off about this. As citizens of a Catholic country, the Mexicans have a greater respect for the dead—reverence for the afterlife—than we do.”<br /><br />During the time that Dr. Rathbun was accumulating his files, his Wednesday Group colleagues were not idle. Suing Skull and Bones, and Yale as well, was originally Hunter’s idea. The prerequisite for this strategy was a plaintiff with recognizable grounds for Complaint—with what is known in the law as “standing.” The Wednesday Group’s curiosity and sincere intentions did not, as a legal technicality, amount to standing. Hunter also looked into the 1970 Treaty of Cooperation between the United States and Mexico, and the Convention on Cultural Property Implementation Act. The latter, in particular, seemed to offer a basis for a lawsuit, but the sticking point remained: no plaintiff. Then it occurred to Hunter, a regular reader of the EI Paso newspapers, that somewhere in Mexico there must be a widow of Villa. “Pancho Villa had a unique method of courtship,” Hunter told me. “Whenever he saw a chick he wanted to spend the night with, he would marry her. He did this something like twenty-nine times. At the time we showed up, the Mexican government had decided that his legitimate widow was Soledad Seanez la Viuda de Villa. So I prepared an authorization for the lawsuit to be brought in her name.”<br /><br />Oscar Gonzalez, who was once described to me as “one of those people about whom it’s said ‘They mean well,’ “was dispatched to Juarez to recruit Soledad Seanez to the cause. He carried a document that authorized him and Pablo Bush Romero, the Wednesday Group’s only Mexican citizens, “to bring such action as may be necessary to recover the head of my late husband, and have it returned to Mexico, to be buried with his remains.” Unfortunately, negotiations between Oscar and the incumbent Mrs. Villa did not proceed smoothly.<br />Hunter: “Oscar took it to her to sign and she refused.”<br /><br />Dr. Rathbun: “At times, Oscar tends to be a little bombastic.”<br /><br />Asked to account for what went wrong in Juarez, Gonzalez expressed strong suspicion that Soledad Seanez, at ninety-two, no longer possessed a full complement of marbles. Bush Romero, after one conversation with her, reached a similar conclusion. With what seemed like almost ideological fervor, the widow insisted that Villa’s skull was not missing from his grave.<br /><br />Hunter’s correspondence with Davison, meanwhile, failed to maintain a tone of unalloyed affability: “Very frankly, Mr. Davidson [sic], we are convinced ... that the skull of Pancho Villa is held by the Skull and Bones Society of Yale University. If you would be so kind as to contact the governing body of that Society and inform them of the contents of this letter, we would be most appreciative. We feel they would be only too happy to return the skull to the proper authorities, rather than have us proceed under the applicable law with its attendant publicity.”<br /><br />To which Davison replied, “Dear Mr. Hunter: ... Your letter does not help your cause in finding the skull of Pancho Villa.”<br /><br />Not long after Bush Romero first mentioned “Let the Tail Go with the Hide,” Alex Apostolides wrote about it, rather elliptically, in his weekly column in the Herald-Post. Apostolides invited readers to send along any intelligence they might have about the skull, but he never returned to the subject in his subsequent columns. Therefore, when, more than a year later, a Herald-Post reporter named Tom Tolan wrote a story about la cabeza de Villa—a story that, in the fourth paragraph, invoked George Bush, Bones ‘48—he appeared to have come up with a scoop. The Herald-Post played it across the top of the front page, and the wire services picked it up. That happened just as the 1988 Republican National Convention was about to get under way. Previously, the Wednesday Group’s sphere of political influence had been limited to EI Paso: a former mayor was a lapsed member. By seeming to link the Republican nominee for President of the’ United States, however loosely, to the theft of the head of a Mexican national hero, the Wednesday Group was, for the first time, meddling directly with issues of geopolitical import. According to Tolan, going public with the accusations against Skull and Bones was a last resort. The most telling quotation came from Hunter: “We’ve come to the conclusion that the main thing they don’t want is publicity.”<br /><br />Hunter’s analysis was accurate. Tolan discovered this for himself when he tried to interview Davison. “When I explained why I was calling, he sounded so sad,” Tolan told me. “He said, ‘But I’ve just spent two years putting to rest the Geronimo story.’”<br /><br />The Geronimo story, a first cousin of the cabeza de Villa story, had floated around for years, and is not enormously popular with Cottie Davison. Ac-cording to Skull and Bones’ accusers in this instance—principally Ned Ander-son, a former chairman of the San Carlos Apache tribe, of Arizona—the grave of Geronimo, the Apache chief, was violated in 1918 by a six-man raiding party that included the young Prescott Bush, father of George. This depredation was described in a 1933 typewritten manuscript titled “Continuation of the History of Our Order for the Century Celebration,” and a copy of it somehow found its way into Anderson’s hands. Davison and other Bonesies agreed that the document was authentic, but insisted that the events it described—the prying open of the iron doors of Geronimo’s tomb, the use of carbolic acid to clean the skull—were purely apocryphal. Nevertheless, fire or no fire, a tinge of smoke hung in the air. Several generations of Bonesies were familiar with the contents of a glass display case inside the New Haven tomb: a skull that everyone referred to as Geronimo. Whose skull it truly was and how it wound up in the display case were less clearly established. The Apaches had to be dealt with respectfully, and Davison made an effort. In 1986, in New York City, he and other representatives of Skull and Bones—among them George Bush’s brother Jonathan—met with Anderson. They brought a skull, and offered it to Anderson, but he declined it because it seemed not to be the same one he had seen in photographs surreptitiously provided by an anonymous dissident member of Bones. The nose and eye cavities didn’t match. Also, Anderson took offense at a document that Davison wanted him to sign, which stipulated that neither the Apaches nor Skull and Bones would publicly discuss the whole business. Following this encounter, the dispute, though it remained unresolved, became more or less dormant. Anderson has from time to time petitioned public officials for help, but he still lacks proof that Geronimo’s grave was ever robbed. The chief is buried on an Army base in southwestern Oklahoma, and his descendants there oppose disturbing his remains.<br /><br />PABLO BUSH ROMERO, meanwhile, feels ill served by the President of the United States. When Tom Tolan broke the story in the Herald-Post, Bush Romero and Dr. Rathbun, both of whom strongly support the agenda of the Republican Party, felt apprehensive-for the same reason that Hunter and Apostolides, who are loyal Democrats, did not mind a bit seeing George Bush accused in print of being soft on grave robbers. Dr. Rathbun still marvels at the failure of the Democrats to exploit the issue during the Presidential campaign. “Because I’m a Bush enthusiast, I was worried that this was going to become a big controversy,” Dr. Rathbun has said. “I never understood why Dukakis didn’t make a fuss about it. He could have made hay out of the fact that Bush was a member of a Yale secret society that collected heads and that his father had done the same thing. He could have hurt Bush more with Pancho Villa’s head than Bush hurt him with the Pledge of Allegiance. The only thing I can think of is that there must have been Democrats who were members of Skull and Bones and who prevented Dukakis from bringing this up.”<br /><br />Although Pablo Bush Romero and George Bush share no blood ties, in jocular moments Bush Romero refers to the President as “my poor relative,” and it gives him no pleasure to speculate that he and the Wednesday Group might yet be forced to escalate the matter of la cabeza de Villa into an international incident. Each time the President’s handlers abandon modesty and enumerate his accomplishments since he took office, Bush Romero notes with regret that the repatriation of Villa’s headbone is not on the list, and he feels his self-restraint weakening. His poor relative, he believes, owes him one—a sentiment that he readily conveys to anybody fortunate enough to be invited to a meeting of the Wednesday Group. For more than a year now, the Wednesday Group has gathered at the Pinetum, an ostensibly Chinese restaurant on the west side of EI Paso, which is part of a commercial strip also populated by floor-covering stores, automotive-service centers, and what seems to be every franchise restaurant known to man. The Pinetum, sui generis, comes equipped with bamboo-print wallpaper and Masonite in the seating area and someone in the kitchen who is not afraid to be generous with the mono-sodium glutamate. Its main attraction is that it has less ambient noise than other places where the Wednesday Group has convened, among them the Juarez country club and a kosher butcher shop. Hunter has said of the Pinetum, “The reason we’re here is that they have a very limited clientele and they have a room that’s just right for us. We can meet and speak in plain language and no one ever objects.”<br /><br />The first time I dined with the Wednesday Group, Ben Williams’ daughter, Terry Irvin, was also a guest. The conversation that day naturally centered on la cabeza de Villa, and at one point I polled the crowd. On ‘a scale of one to ten, how strongly did they believe that Skull and Bones had the head? “Ten-plus,” Mrs. Irvin said. “I know my dad did not make that story up. There is no reason in the world for this subject even to have come up when we were writing that book if it wasn’t true. I’m convinced in my own mind that they did it and they paid Emil Holmdahl to do it.”<br /><br />While waiting for la cabeza de Villa to resurface, she has written a screen-play about it. She has also enlisted as an ally Garry Trudeau, the cartoonist, who has published two series of “Doonesbury” strips satirizing Skull and Bones. When I polled the other members, Bush Romero was a solid ten, and Hunter turned up at the low end, with a seven (demonstrating, hardly for the first time, that for the pleasure of an argument most lawyers will advocate anything). Oscar Gonzalez, the finest hairsplitter in the crowd, came in at nine-point-eight-five. Something in Gonzalez’s manner—a naturally antic quality-brought to mind a joke I had heard, about the man who was offered (in this version) two authentic Villa skulls: one of Villa as a boy and one as an adult. Gonzalez still holds out hope that one of Villa’s sons, Hippólito, who now lives in Mexico City, will agree to become the plaintiff in a lawsuit. The notion that anyone would regard such a lawsuit as frivolous offends Gonzalez. “This is an international group—we go all over,” he said. “We’re men. We’re not kids. We know what we’re doing.” Gonzalez had to leave early that day, and he made a ceremonious exit. He put on a black cowboy hat, which made him appear at least five and a half feet tall, gave Bush Romero a brotherly hug, and bade farewell to his other com-padres with a “Viva Villa!” The last thing he said to me was “If you have Villa’s skull and you bring it back to Mexico, that would be one hell of an act of international friendship.”<br /><br />Pablo Bush Romero, wishing to make approximately the same point, was more specific. He told me that Villa’s body was buried in the Monument of the Revolution, in Mexico City, and that if I could arrange for la cabeza de Villa to once again repose with it he would see to it that I received the Aztec Eagle, the highest honor that Mexico can give to a foreigner. At the time of this tempting offer, we were seated in a room in his house that he uses as a study, and he had just shown me Villa’s death mask-a bronze casting taken from a plaster-of-Paris impression of Villa’s face made shortly after his assassination.<br /><br />Without wishing to seem immodest, Bush Romero said he assumed that he had read more about Villa than anyone else in the Wednesday Group. His library contains about twenty-five books on the subject, among them “Pancho Villa en la Intimidad,” by Luz Corral Vda. de Villa, Soledad Seanez’s predecessor as Villa’s officially recognized widow, and “Pancho Villa’s Shadow: The True Story of Mexico’s Robin Hood, As Told by His Interpreter,” by Ernest Otto Schuster. The latter book, one of Bush Romero’s favorites, features a dust-jacket photo-graph of a diminutive man wearing a dark suit and a straw boater and cavorting with a German shepherd. The caption says, “The author and his pal, Lobo.” Bush Romero also showed me a photograph of Villa taken in 1913, at the Battle of Ojinaga; a photograph of Villa and Emiliano Zapata sitting in a chair that they had looted from the presidential palace in Mexico City; a Villa autograph; and a bronze statue of Villa. These artifacts shared the room with photographs of Bush Romero and J. Edgar Hoover, Bush Romero and Marshal Tito, Bush Romero and Ronald Reagan, and Bush Romero and some pygmies, in what is now Zaire, posing with the largest privately owned ivory tusks in the world (at the time, Bush Romero owned them); with many big-game trophies (an Alaskan black bear, a wolf from Chihuahua, a wolf from Canada, a tiger from India, a lion from Africa, a Mexican fox and wildcat, a table with an elephant foot for a base and a surface covered with an elephant ear, on which sat a lamp made from an elk’s foot); and with a couple of shrunken human heads, from Colombia, one of which had been in better shape before “rats got to it.”<br /><br />Bush Romero said he had shown the death mask of Villa and the relevant passages from “Let the Tail Go with the Hide” to the Mexican consul-general in EI Paso, who was impressed and sympathetic. He added that he had thus far avoided getting the Mexican government directly involved, however, because that would involve excessive red tape. “I could have gone to the governor of Chihuahua or the President of Mexico,” he said. “I wrote a letter to the President of Mexico today. But I didn’t go into this. I have other things I’m dealing with him on.” Rather, Bush Romero favored a strategy of direct appeal to George Bush. “I think that eventually we’re going to get something. President Bush wants good relations with Mexico, and that would be one of the best things he could do—influence his club to return the head.”<br /><br />I mentioned a conversation I had had with a Bonesman who spent many years working in Washington and was of the opinion that “the demand for the return of the head of Pancho Villa is not a White House matter.”<br /><br />Bush Romero seemed unfazed. “I’m looking at this from the international point of view,” he said.<br /><br />The last time I happened to be in EI Paso, I discovered that there were no recent developments. The local press, for instance, had not been on top of the story. When I spoke with Tom Tolan, of the Herald-Post, he said that other than extending himself a while back to check out “a misleading rumor that Villa’s head was buried under a G-string at the Naked Harem,” a southeast EI Paso interpretative-dance laboratory, he had been preoccupied with other matters. The contingent at the Pinetum for that week’s Wednesday Club gathering was rather modest: Bush Romero, Hunter, Apostolides, Dr. Rathbun, John Bockoven, and Bob Massey. Of course, we talked about la cabeza de Villa. I felt somewhat sheepish accepting their hospitality, because I had come to lunch to report my growing suspicion that hounding Skull and Bones was a fruitless endeavor—not because the Bonesies would refuse to come clean about the skull but because they really didn’t have it. I warmed up to this by recounting a conversation with one Bonesman who told me he recalled during the early seventies seeing perhaps thirty skulls, not all of them human, scattered about the tomb.<br /><br />“The fact that they have thirty or more skulls proves that they might have the skull of Villa,” Bush Romero said. “It can’t be proved. It’s just a matter of good will—Bush prevailing on his fellow club members. They collected heads. Why?” He turned his palms up and shrugged. “But they have a few. They’ve consulted with their lawyers and they’ve come to the conclusion that they’re not going to admit anything. And we’re trying to convince them that if they’ll return the head that’ll be it. We’ll bury the whole thing. Or they can leave the head somewhere where we’ll find it. One of the things we were going to discuss here was whether we I should write another letter to Bush, my poor relative. You tell him, Frank.”<br /><br />Bush Romero deferred to Hunter, who extemporaneously paraphrased the text of a proposed letter to Skull and Bones, a copy of which would go to the President. Its concluding sentiment was “So now it’s time to put up or shut up.”<br />“If the letter goes unnoticed, then we’ll have to make it an international affair,” Bush Romero said. “It’s vital to Mexico’s history to get that head back with the body. I would make enough fuss that if the Mexican government even thinks not to act they’ll hear plenty about it. I’ll just take the whole thing to Mexico City. I know I can get Channel 2 and Channel 11 interested. If the President of Mexico or the Secretary of Foreign Affairs gets involved, then Bush will have to get involved.”<br /><br />“The skull has got to be in New Haven,” Apostolides said. “By golly, we’ll take any skull that has a hole in the brain.”<br /><br />“Villa is news,” Bush Romero said.<br /><br />“And Villa is international news. He is the man most known in the Mexican Revolution worldwide. And anything that concerns Villa is news worldwide. And we’re banking on keeping that alive. Because it’s news.”<br /><br /></div>—MARK SINGER<div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-116387197921237339?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1148136112753090022006-05-20T07:39:00.000-07:002006-05-20T07:52:44.453-07:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/June47.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/320/June47.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">Propaganda and the News or What makes you think so?</a><br /><br />an excerpt from:<br />Propaganda and the News or What makes you think so?<br />Will Irwin©1936<br />Whittlesey House<br />325 pages-First Edition-Out of print<br />—-—<br />An interesting book, 70 years old. Understanding where we have been helps see where “we” are going…<br /><br />Peace,<br />K<br />-----<br /><br /><br />Chapter XXI<br />RUSES NEW AND OLD<br /><div style="text-align: justify;">IN THE United States as in Europe, peace demobilized whole regiments of war propagandists. Naturally they looked for new jobs at this attractive trade; and they found a brisk demand. The mental maneuvers of the war had taught both business and politics the uses of indirect advertising. Individuals and companies formerly innocent of trying to influence the press now joined the movement. New issues arising from the war had generated new societies to revise the world—or to keep it just as it was—and in these, as of old, the publicity department was driving wheel of the machine. While it still seemed possible that the United States would either join the League of Nations or some other Parliament of Man, new nations like Poland maintained active offices of propaganda in Washington or New York. This period witnessed also the rapid growth of a phenomenon which the slang of sociology calls the" pressure group"—societies formed to bring about special legislation. These strive with one hand to influence congressmen or senators through lobbies, letters and telegrams, and with the other to distribute and plant propaganda. This, of course, was not a new factor in American affairs; but the five years following the war saw its expansion into a universal method.<br /><br />The publicity agent was adjusting himself to new conditions, and much of his output during this period was stupid and mechanical. A visitor to a city editor of New York found the office boy carrying away three full wastebaskets.<br /><br />"Mimeographed publicity stuff, every sheet of it," said the editor, "and all from this morning's mail. We don't even attempt to read it." After a year or so, the incompetent and unoriginal among the publicity agents began to drop out and the flood of mimeographed copy subsided.<br /><br />The artists refined their methods. Commercial propaganda—really, glorified advertising—took a leaf from the notebook of the political propagandist and began to create wide backgrounds. During this period, first the medical profession and then the laity learned of vitamins. The California orange growers opened a highly successful campaign to make the public conscious of those particular vitamins contained in oranges and orange juice. Health hints, medical lectures faithfully reported, even the praise of vitamins in general without any reference to oranges—all helped. Before they finished, they established the glass of orange juice as the eye opener of the American people. So without doubt they served the cause of public health and also their own cause. When, just after the war, skirts rose to a height that shocked the conservative, the stocking became conspicuous. Until then, silk stockings had stood the symbol of affluence; politicians called the rich the "silk-stocking element." Now, every factory girl scrimped and saved to buy a pair of these gauds. Rayon arrived as a substitute for its more luxurious sister. And the struggles of stocking manufacturers to keep short skirts in fashion form a chapter in our commercial history. J. R. Hamilton, advertising expert of Chicago, was working for Wanamaker's in Philadelphia when a customer planted in his mind a seed which grew into the idea of Mother's Day. He "sold" it to the local florists. By another year, it had become an American institution. The manufacturers of small luxuries for men followed with Father's Day.<br /><br />The counselor on public relations extended his operations until he advised and guided not only single firms but whole industries. Will H. Hays represents the elite of this class. For more than a decade he has mediated between the motion-picture producers and the public. Through the Age of Smut he worked with more than partial success to "hold down Hollywood" while at the same time averting a general legal censorship. Hays stands at the moral height of his curious trade. In the depths wallow some of the men who during the boom of 1923-29 corrupted the country press on behalf of public utilities and certain agents of stock-jobbery who in the same mad period helped to spread that fatal illusion "the new economic plane."<br /><br />Many counselors on public relations had one foot in commerce and the other in politics—even international politics. The most eminent figure in this class was the late Ivy Lee. It seems a pity that he died silently, leaving behind, so far as anyone knows, no real record of his activities. The candid reminiscences of Ivy Lee would be as useful to a future historian as Pepys' Diary—and perhaps as interesting to the student of human souls. He began his larger career as counselor for certain Rockefeller interests. He was careful, nevertheless, not to identify himself with the Rockefellers or any other group, so leaving himself free to serve all clients. He had a hand in an agitation for recognition of Russia as a means of increasing our export market. Indeed, he may have directed this campaign. So, too, when an element among the bankers decided that cancellation of European war debts would benefit American finance, they used Lee's talent for sweetening unpopular causes. And in the last year of his life he was advising the new German government on ways and means for making Nazi principles and methods less hateful to the average American citizen.<br /><br />Simon-pure political propaganda—limitations of space will confine me to those recent instances which illuminate new methods.<br /><br />One would overstate his case if he said that propaganda alone brought about national prohibition and then killed its own creation. Behind its birth and its death worked complex and subtle social forces. But half-truths, slanted news, deliberate creation of a false picture, pressure on the channels of publicity, all sped up the prohibition movement and rushed it on to its extreme in the Eighteenth Amendment. Similar methods, even more cleverly employed, carried along the movement for repeal so fast that it caught most politicians flat-footed.<br /><br />The women's temperance organizations of the nineteenth century were our earliest pressure groups. Even when the average woman shuddered at the thought of voting, they were carrying into legislatures the humble petitions' of a dear, disenfranchised class. In the seventies and eighties, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union gathered up the scattered groups into a national organization. These ladies understood from the first the uses of made news. They would pick a small town for a "cleanup" and proceed to hold before its doors all-day prayer meetings wherein they craved mercy for the souls of the rum-seller and his drunkards. The proceeding was so picturesque and so full of action that New York, Philadelphia and Chicago newspapers sent special correspondents to follow the militant ladies and report their doings. So from the very beginning the W.C.T.U. attained to front pages all over the country.<br />When the able Frances Willard took charge, she established a policy of instilling hatred for beverage alcohol into the souls of the younger generation. Hence the temperance rallies of the Sunday schools with the children singing "Cold water, cold water, oh that is my song" and "Tremble, Demon Alcohol, we shall grow up some day!" Further, her followers used all the rising political influence of woman to force "temperance education" into the curricula of the public schools. Eventually, the textbooks on personal hygiene in nearly every state included chapters describing the effects of strong drink. In some cases this literature was merely yellow science; in some, it read like the peroration of a temperance orator. But Frances Willard fulfilled her mission. When she died, she left behind a rising generation whose typical member either repudiated alcohol or took it with a bad conscience.<br /><br />Then the Anti-Saloon League appeared to transform distrust, dislike and hatred into positive action. It applied a new method in politics which has shown the way to in-numerable other pressure groups—the balance of power. It neither nominated a ticket nor permitted any of its members to run for office. Beginning with the small units and going on to the larger, it interviewed candidates and endorsed that one whose pledges most nearly fitted the ideals of the Anti-Saloon League. Before it finished, many a politician who drank a quart of straight whisky a day was making speeches in favor of prohibition. The very name of the society was a piece of clever propaganda. It did not imply legal prohibition of beverage alcohol, although such was the intention from the beginning. The saloon, the system of retail distribution, was the weak point in our old liquor business. Men who drew back from prohibition would join or support an organization aiming to destroy a social nuisance. And as the struggle grew more intense, the Anti--Saloon League, with its sister, the W.C.T.U., employed publicity agents to affect the newspapers.<br /><br />The brewers and distillers supported all this time a counterpropaganda. In spite of large supporting funds, they lost most of their battles through failure of the men who employed the publicists to grasp the strategies of such a campaign. Notably—and most stupidly—they took on two opponents at once when they opposed the movement for woman suffrage, which was in this period rolling up like a snowball.<br /><br />The sentiment for repeal of prohibition arose with the suddenness and violence of a cloudburst. In 1928, Smith's declaration for repeal probably constituted his chief political liability. This, more than the religious issue, was the reason why Hoover broke the solid South. Yet four years later an out-and-out declaration for repeal in the Democratic platform, contrasted with a muted declaration in the Republican, served Roosevelt as an asset. For, just as the tide began to turn, the opponents of prohibition organized, began their own pressure and launched their own propaganda. The astute Jouett Shouse took general direction of this agitation in its later stages. The publicity men assigned to this job perceived one plausible and useful half-truth. In the boom period, when materialism ruled and all classes were a little drunken with greed, crime had followed the tendency of the times. Criminals had organized, had begun to play for higher and higher stakes. Crime grew insolent and violent to an unprecedented degree. In most cities, the murderous activities of the underworld centered about the distribution of illicit alcohol. The eminent traders in sudden death were also "beer barons." It is impossible to say, however, whether the greed of boom days might not have engendered similar sores on the body politic, prohibition or no prohibition. Certainly, the commercial rackets of Chicago, which during one year cost the city more than a hundred million dollars, had little direct connection with bootleggers. But at best or worst, prohibition gave steady employment to hosts of young city toughs who employed murder as a means of competition. Also, the organized gangs of bankrobbers which stamped a gory mark on the social history of this period drew most of their personnel from the pr[a]etorian guards of illicit alcohol.<br /><br />The organized enemies of prohibition tuned their propaganda on this note. The Eighteenth Amendment was the father of crime. Our scandalous murder rate, the growing corruption of our police, all went back to that source. They used other devices such as presenting partial statistics going to prove—probably contrary to the truth—that drinking had increased under prohibition, and rather bizarre estimates to show that the revenue from legalized alcohol would lighten taxation, balance the budget and restore prosperity. But the crime theme dominated the symphony. The newspapers needed small encouragement to publish stories of bootleg murders; such matter has been the common denominator for readers ever since the days of the chapbooks. Where encouragement was needed, the wet publicity agents applied it. Events worked with them. Just as the movement for repeal began to gather force, Hollywood discovered almost by accident the "pulling power" in films of underworld life. The characters in these dramas were mostly bootleggers, and the plots usually centered round tangles in the illicit alcohol business. Guardians of our public morals protested against setting such shocking examples before our young. The directors of the agitation for repeal drew their own moral to these immoral tales and drove it home through every channel of publicity: prohibition caused all these things to be.<br /><br />Then, when the inevitable reaction had begun in the public mind, came that Lindbergh case which stirred our people as no other event of the decade. No one knew at the time whether this was the work of a gang or of some free-lance criminal. But the public in general, its eyes and ears full of gangster stories, interpreted it as part of a general background. And wet propaganda had already pointed to prohibition as the generator of these villainies. The Lindbergh episode was the spark that ignited the powder. But propagandists laid the train.<br /><br />The propaganda of the Ku-Klux Klan is worth mention, now that the Invisible Empire has passed, for its successful use of the isolated instance. Some of the men who founded it were honest fanatics of provincial patriotism; more, probably, were good businessmen, interested in profits from the sale of regalia, or politicians trying to break in. This last element realized that the spread of the Klan was distinctly limited so long as it worked merely to "keep the negro in his place" and to regulate small-town morals. Its charters restricted membership to "white, native-born, Protestant, Gentile Americans." From the first, hatred had proved its best selling point—that hatred which in small minds is the best touchstone for patriotism. For a time the management considered emphasizing the word "Gentile," and starting, in advance of Hitler, a wave of anti-Semitism. But the Jew is typically a dweller in cities, while the Klan made its best appeal in the rural districts or the small towns. Here, "Protestant" would have the stronger pull. This policy decided, the rough but astute propagandists of the Klan turned all their guns against the Roman Catholic Church. The Know-Nothing party of the early nineteenth century founded its agitation on The Confessions of Maria Monk, a book which in collections of odd and mendacious literature occupies a place beside The Protocols of Zion. These new propagandists used the news-slanted, touched up, or dispensed without sense of proportion. Owing to the reverence with which Roman Catholics regard their priest-hood, American newspapers had tended to suppress or to minimize stories of those moral lapses happening occasionally among the clergy of this church—as among that of all churches. In the early days of Christian Science, the newspapers were critical of instances where the sick died under treatment of a healer. The new sect thereupon organized a committee to stimulate floods of protesting letters. This policy, continued year after year, stopped all criticism. So far as appears on any record, the Roman Catholics had never proceeded in such systematic fashion. Pressure was not necessary. Simply, editors and—especially—business managers hesitated to offend a large element of the community, with the risk of losing circulation and advertising. So the Ku-Klux Klan raked up every suppressed or muted story of the kind, old or new, often adding imaginative decorations, and put it forth in pamphlet, lecture and periodical. When the supply ran short, it hammered upon the civic offenses of Catholic laymen in trouble with the police. Axiomatically, the sins, follies and weaknesses of almost any individual, if recorded without mention of his virtues, wisdoms and strengths, could make him appear a creature unfit for membership in the human race. The Klan propagandist applied this principle to an organization. The average Klansman, being a trifle narrow between the ears, had a dull sense of proportion; to him, this matter appeared as well-rounded truth. It was the main stimulant for that bizarre movement which blossomed so rapidly and withered so suddenly.<br /><br />The war between the Communist propagandists on one hand and the professional patriots on the other has its comic features. On its serious side it illustrates several principles; among others, the odd way in which extreme opponents sometimes find themselves singing the same song. In the two or three years following the war, the wisest could not even guess at the future of Communism in the United States and Western Europe. It was new; and it had brought off the most drastic internal revolution since the 1790's. It might capture the strong Socialist faction in every civilized country and set the workers of the world on fire. The French policy of the Cordon Sanitaire about the Russian border, the American and British appeals to patriotism and reason, had behind them a sense of necessity. Then, as the Soviet government settled down to the long pull, the movement lost ground on all its edges. Except in limited districts of China, the Communists have never gained an inch of territory which did not belong to old Imperialist Russia. Nevertheless, Moscow encouraged the agitation in other lands; though with smaller hope and enthusiasm in later years. So far as the United States is concerned, the "flood of Russian money" supporting Communist agitation is most probably a myth. According to my information—and it comes from very good sources—the lords of the new Russia have tended to reverse the process. Occasionally they have made a contribution to a special purpose, as when they subsidized a sick daily newspaper, which died nevertheless. If we knew the secrets of Soviet finance, we should probably find that the greatest single appropriation for work in the United States went to support the campaign of propaganda for recognition of Russia. And this had ends more mercenary than "freeing the workers" of America. The Russian government has, on the other hand, helped to direct the agitation in the United States; has even claimed the right to dictate appointment and removal of officers in the American Communist party.<br /><br />Communist agitation on our side of the water has failed, to put the matter badly and bluntly. The depression was its opportunity; yet in the national election of 1932, when the party made its strongest "drive on the political front," it polled only 200,000 votes—about one-half of one per cent of the electorate. Numerically it remains distinctly a minor faction. But, like any political party, it exaggerates its own spread and importance in order to stimulate the fainthearted. And in this instance, so do its most active opponents. Every night some orator quotes to an audience of affrighted patriots the exaggerations of the Communists; every night some Red spellbinder repeats from a soapbox the multiplications of his militant enemies.<br /><br />Less than moderately successful in rounding up votes, the Communists have proved themselves the best publicity men ever known to American politics. And they have used, virtually, only one device. They make the news. Here, again, their opponents have helped mightily by surrounding the operations of Communists with an aura of fear and melodramatic mystery. A common laborer who murders his neighbor attracts less space and attention from the newspapers than a common laborer who finds himself marked for deportation as a Communist. Two factions fighting it out at a Sunday picnic, with the police taking a battering from both sides—unless it ends in a killing, this recurrent event is good for six inches on an inside page of the local newspaper. A Communist riot of no greater magnitude and violence may achieve the honor of front-page notice all over the country. Barred by circumstances from ordinary channels of publicity, the Communists have specialized on action. Every strike, no matter by whom called, has a fringe of Communist agitators. If they manage to make themselves conspicuous, the employers assert that this is a "Red strike"—splendid advertising. Whenever a poor man runs dramatically afoul of the law, be his case good or bad, one of the multiple Communist-inspired societies considers it. If the prosecution can be warped to appear an assault on the workers, with picket lines, small riots and other devices for attracting attention they join the fray.<br /><br />Specifically they have made millions of capital out of the Sacco-Vanzetti case, the Mooney case, the prosecution of the Scottsboro negroes. Communist support usually injures any cause. But the party managers are indifferent to the fate of individuals. If the defendant loses, then the event only goes to prove that the worker cannot expect justice from the "bosses." If he wins, they can point to the party as the one potent champion of labor. Meantime, win or lose, they have been crowding the front pages.<br /><br />Constantly they have staged riots to keep the publicity moving. These have varied from small and rather comic brushes, as when the Young Pioneers demonstrate against their school-teachers, to dazzling generators of publicity like a stage-managed riot in Union Square, New York, a few years ago.<br /><br />This affair deserves special mention. The Party declared its intention of moving as a body on the mayor to present a petition for redress of some forgotten grievance. When they applied for permission to parade from Union Square to City Hall, the police refused. They would have refused a similar application from the most conservative society, since a procession in the narrow, crowded streets of the wholesale district would have tied up business for hours. Concealing their intention, the Communists ordered a rally in Union Square. The police, scenting trouble, turned out a strong guard. Grover Whalen, police commissioner, himself took charge. When the meeting had begun, a committee approached him with a last demand—the Communists, never do anything so mild as request—for a permit to parade. Whalen, of course, refused. Whereupon Robert Minor, who was speaking from the platform at the time, appeared at least to give marching orders. The procession fell in and started. The police could do nothing but try to break it up. Some of them lost their tempers and used fists or nightsticks roughly. On the other hand, Communist women, burning for the crown of martyrdom, threw themselves under the hoofs of the horses—which, being among the nobler element present at this party, stepped daintily over them. The result: some broken heads, a few really serious injuries, minor trials in the police courts and a front-page story in every newspaper of the land.<br /><br />In the summer of 1934 a series of small strikes disturbed the cotton and rayon factories of the Blackstone Valley in Rhode Island. This is one of the most densely populated regions of the United States, and it lives entirely by weaving. The depression struck it early; for six years, boys and girls had been finishing school and then simply festering in idle-ness. Brushes between pickets and police grew in to a series of riots wherein youth worked off its energies and expressed its resentment against the world. Of course, the Communists had sent up a few organizers, as they always do. One or two of these had harangued a crowd a little before trouble started. A commander of militia, hearing of this, jumped to a hasty conclusion and informed Governor Theodore F. Green that the Communist Revolution had broken out in Rhode Island. The governor spread this revelation over the world; and again the Communist party, at a minimum of trouble and expense, made display headlines..… Later, the police conducted a roundup of Communists in Rhode Island. They bagged none in the Blackstone Valley and less than twenty in Providence.<br /><br />Propaganda, in the invidious modern sense of the word, stands almost synonymous with insincerity. To advance a cause in which he mayor may not believe with all his heart, the propagandist puts forth data which he knows to be false or-more usually—incomplete. Anti-Communist propaganda in the United States has given a new quaver to this note. Much of it may be described as propaganda for the by-product. The originator is not vitally concerned with the Red peril; but by stretching definitions a little, he manages to include in "the network" that set of opinions, which he is trying to refute. Harry Daugherty, attorney general in the Harding administration, conducted his office—well, in a political spirit at least. After Coolidge succeeded to the presidency, Daugherty resigned under fire. However, he managed for a time to wrap himself in the American flag and dare any traitor to strike at him through its sacred folds. He transformed the valuable Division of Investigation, since notable as the model police force of the United States, into an organization for showing up the Communists. By stretching the facts a little, he managed to include in the Red Plot innumerable citizens of merely liberal opinions; a task much lightened by the somewhat imaginative Lusk Report for the New York State Legislature.<br /><br />Meantime, another element with an ax to grind had found a special device to make anti-Communist propaganda useful. Though the country had in 1920 repudiated the letter of Wilson's policy for securing universal and permanent peace, its spirit still held the imagination of the country. The League of Women Voters, formed to educate the newly enfranchised sex, turned itself for a time into a pressure group and was mainly responsible for bringing about President Harding's successful conference on Naval Disarmament. The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, stood even more radically for peace. Men's organizations, like the Rotary Clubs, endorsed the principle.<br /><br />The militarists, together with those who sincerely believed the fallacy that heavy armament is insurance against war and those who held a stake in the game of the munition makers, were temporarily on the run. They grouped themselves into societies, some with purely patriotic impulses, a few the creation of individuals who scented revenue—"patrioteers." The Intelligence Department of the army had during the war paid some attention to "subversive activities," especially those of the I.W.W., and had collected data on suspected citizens. The men who did this work were mainly amateur soldiers, filled with that hatred for dissenters which is part of the war spirit; and they interpreted the subversive spirit a trifle loosely. From these official records and from those of Harry M. Daugherty in the Department of Justice, publicity agents for certain patriotic societies compiled "blacklists" of "dangerous citizens." These seem at first to have circulated only privately and for the most part among the Officers' Reserve. Brigadier General Amos A. Fries, head of the gas warfare service, belonged to a militaristic faction of the army. An employee in his office put forth a curious document entitled "The Spider-Web Chart" which set a milestone for anti-Communist propaganda. A series of squares enclosed the names and" records" of certain eminent and suspected citizens, mostly women. Lines, making a web, joined the boxes; and all the lines met at the top in—Moscow.<br /><br />The ladies honored by this singular document were officers or outstanding members of societies for the promotion of international good feeling and permanent peace, not Communists nor—for the most part—adherents of any theory resembling Communism. Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, whose name stood near the head of one column, was a Democrat; Mrs. Maud Wood Park, almost equally condemned for treason, a Republican. But the brief text took that hurdle gracefully. All American pacifists of any degree were auxiliaries of the Communist plot. Their function was to soften us up so that the Red Revolution would find us easy picking. Propagandists for militarism or armament or national defense seized upon this by-product of anti-Communist propaganda. Even today, political orators trying to stir up chauvinistic patriotism lump off pacifists—meaning both non-resisters and workers for international good feeling—with Communists and anarchists. Presently, the blacklists came out from their concealment in wallets and began to find print. Usually they led off with such eminent and useful citizens as Jane Addams, John Dewey, Carrie Chapman Catt, Sinclair Lewis, James T. Shotwell and Stephen P. Duggan, and went on to persons of lesser importance. Professional secretaries of manufacturers' asso-ciations, fighting for the open shop, saw the uses of the by-product and joined in. The authors of the lists hunted constantly for new names. Y.W.C.A: secretaries and school-teachers who promoted peace meetings were almost sure to make the blacklists; often this honor cost them their jobs. In those days the speaking radio had not reached its importance, and the lyceum lecture was in its heyday. Scarcely an American town of more than five or six thousand souls but had its winter "course." A local manager arranged the program; but he had usually behind him a committee of sponsors whose tastes and wishes he consulted. During the period when we were lashing ourselves up to the dis-armanent conference, lectures in favor of peace had come into demand. By 1925, most lecturers on this topic found themselves blacklisted as accessories to the Communist plot. The societies which dispensed the lists had members all over the country. They, as a patriotic service, made it their business to pass the information on to the sponsors of local lecture courses. Two times out of three, a hint was enough. The proportion of peace lectures on lyceum programs steadily declined.<br /><br />This campaign blazed sometimes into action—and into comedy. A woman novelist of New York, who at the time voted the Republican ticket, went to a city of the Middle West to address a banquet on a literary topic. Some years before, she had taken the unpopular side in a labor controversy; that sufficed for the dispensers of blacklists. When her name was announced, affrighted patriots informed the ladies in charge of the affair that their speaker was a dangerous Red and unquestionably had no other object than to rouse her Communist cohorts—perhaps even start the revolution then and there. The committee stood by its guns and refused to alter the program. On the night of the performance, volunteer saviors of the commonwealth and city detectives lurked in the lobby, crouching to rush in and arrest the speaker at her first treasonable utterance. The ladies in charge, fearful of precipitating a case of nerves, had kept her in ignorance of the situation. For an hour she aired her ideas concerning the process of creating fiction; and she could not understand—then—why there was so much cheering and laughter when she sat down.<br />When a libel suit brought these odd documents to sudden public attention, the newspapers called them the "D.A.R. Blacklists." In that, they did a partial injustice. The lists originated elsewhere; but the Daughters of the American Revolution, whose officers of the period had swallowed the "Pacifist-Communist" theory hook, line and sinker, helped out by encouraging their circulation. This suit appealed to the comic sense, rather than the civic sense, of the public and the newspapers. When finally an assemblage of prominent citizens held in New York a banquet to celebrate their elevation to this eminence, a gust of laughter sent the blacklists fluttering to the trash heap. Yet this artificial link between Communism and the desire for peace does service yet. It is one reason why the American public has accepted so complacently and casually both the gradual withdrawal of our government from attempts to promote peace through disarmament, and our own increase in armaments. It is one reason why Father Coughlin, by a single speech over the radio, was able to keep us from joining the World Court. He crystallized sentiment, yes; but the sentiment was already in the minds of those who reason faintly and feel vividly.<br /></div><br />pp. 265-282<br /><br />-----<br /><br />Onward to the utmost of futures!<br /><br />Om<br />K<br /><br />-----<br />Aloha, He'Ping,<br />Om, Shalom, Salaam.<br />Em Hotep, Peace Be,<br />All My Relations.<br />Omnia Bona Bonis,<br />Adieu, Adios, Aloha.<br />Amen.<br />Roads End<div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-114813611275309002?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1142660864019755192006-03-17T21:47:00.000-08:002006-03-22T07:22:21.123-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/bohogrove5.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/400/bohogrove5.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">Bohemain Grove—Cremation of Care Ceremony</a><br /><br /> <span class="serendipity_entryIcon"> </span> <div class="serendipity_entry_body"> <br /><div><h3 class="post-title"><b>The Sire</b></h3><div align="justify">Bohemians, by the power of our fellowship, <br />Dull care is slain.<br />Hearken!<br />High up the hill you may hear Care’s funeral music.<br /><br /><i>[Tolling of the bell and faint, far strains of the funeral dirge (DENKE). Torches are glimpsed in the distance. Music and light approach.]</i><br /><br /><b>The Sire</b><br />Behold, the effigy of this, our enemy, is carried hither for our ancient rites.<br /><br /><i>[Music ceases.drumbeat accompanies the descent of cortege. The cortege passes through the dinning circle and down the main isle as the Band and the effigy of Care proceed down the road to the floor of the Grove. When the torch bearers are leaving the dining circle, followed by the Old Guard.]</i><br /><br /><b>The Sire announces</b><br />Bohemians, follow to Bohemia’s Shrine!</div></div><br /><br /> </div> <br /><br /><div align="justify"><i><br />[The band resumes the funeral dirge ( Denke ). The band turns into the traffic road, where it continues to play; the spectators pass to their seats opposite the shrine, through the two columns of the Torch Bearers who flank the path to Edwards Road.The shrine is bathed in the soft, flickering light from the lamp of fellowship. The radiance of the rising full moon touches the crown of Hamadryad’s tree. 0ffstage chorus of woodland voices. The Hamadryad emerges from the bark. Music by Jan Philip Schirhan and W.J. McCoy]</i><br /><br /><br /><b><br />The HAMADRYAD singing</b><br /><br />Beauty, and strength and peace,<br />They are yours; they shall never cease<br />While the trees are, and the hills.<br />The stars come in with the night,<br />And the wind, like a presence, fills<br />The temple-aisles of the wood;<br />It is yours, it is good,<br />It is made for your delight.<br />Beauty, and strength and peace,<br />They are here that you find release<br />From the mournful memories<br />Oh, cast your grief to the fire.<br />And be strong with the holy trees<br />And the spirit of the Grove.<br />In your dreams you shall rove<br />To the land of Hearts Desire. ( Sterling )<br /><br /><br /><div align="justify"><i><br />[the Hamadryad retires into the tree.The illumination fades. The shrine is now in full moonlight.Enter, accompanied by the music of Charles Hart, the High Priest, Assisting Priests, and choristers.]</i></div><br /><br /><b><br />The High Priest</b><br /><div align="justify"><div align="justify"><br />The owl is in his leafy temple; let all within the Grove be reverent before him.<br /><br />Lift up your heads, O ye Trees, and be ye lift up, ye ever-living spires.<br />For behold, here is Bohemia’s Shrine and holy are the pillars of this house.<br />Weaving spiders, come not here!</div><br /></div><i>[The High Priest descends to the water’s edge.] </i></div><div align="justify"><br />Hail Bohemians!<br /><br />With ripple of waters and the song of birds.<br />Such music as inspires the sinking soul.<br />Do we invite you to Midsummer’s joy!<br /><br />The sky above is blue and sown with stars;<br />The forest floor is heaped<br />with fragrant drift;<br />Evenings cool kiss is yours,<br />The campfire’s glow,<br /><br />The birth of joyous rosy- fingered dawns!<br />Shake of all your sorrows with<br />the City’s dust<br />And scatter to the winds the cares of life!<br /><br /><br /><b><br />Second Priest</b><br /><br />Let memory bring back the well-loved names<br />Of gallant friends who knew and loved this Grove.<br />Dear boon companions of long ago!<br /><br /><br /><b><br />Third Priest</b><br /><br />Aye! They shall join us in this ritual<br />And not a place be empty in our midst!<br /><br /><b><br /><br />The High Priest</b><br /><br />O Beauty’s vassals<br />Who keep, in this gray autumn of the world,<br />Her springtime in your hearts,<br />I charge ye all:<br />For lasting happiness we lift our eyes<br />To one alone, and she surrounds you now,<br />Great Nature, refuge for the weary heart<br />And only balm for breasts that have been bruised,<br />Her counsels are most wise.<br />But ye must come<br />As children, little children that believe,<br />Nor ever doubt her beauty or her faith,<br />Nor dream her tenderness can change or die! ( STERLING )<br /><br /><br /><i><br />[Soft music by Edward Harris as the High Priest ascends to be invested.]</i><br /><br /><br /><b><br />Second Priest</b><br /><br />Gather , Ye forest fold, and cast your spells<br />Over these mortals.<br /><br /><br /><b><br />Third Priest</b><br /><br />Touch their world-blind eyes with fairy unguents.<br /><br /><br /><b><br />Second Priest</b><br /><br />Open their eyes of fancy<br />And seal the gates of sorrow.<br /><br /><br /><b><br />Third Priest</b><br /><br />Dull Care and all his works are but a dream;<br />As vanished Babylon and goodly Tyre<br />So they shall vanish.<br /><br /><br /><b><br />Second Priest</b><br /><br />But the wilding rose<br />Blows on the broken battlements of Tyre<br />And mosses rend the stones of Babylon-<br /><br /><br /><b><br />Third Priest</b><br /><br />For Beauty is eternal and we bow<br />to Beauty everlasting! ( irwin )<br /><br /><br /><b><br />The High Priest</b><br /><br />Our funeral pyre awaits the corpse of Care.<br /><br /><br /><i><br />[The Barcarolle by Charles Hart. The introductory horn solo comes from the direction of the ferry slip. The ferry of Care, poled by a lone boatman, appears and passes up the lake to the foot of the shrine. Acolytes await the barge.]</i><br /><br /><br /><b><br />The High Priest:</b><br /><br />Oh thou, thus ferried ‘cross the shadowy tide<br />In all the ancient majesty of death<br /><br />Dull Care, arch-enemy of Beauty; not for thee<br />The tender tribute and the restful grave,<br />But fire shall have its will of thee<br /><br />And all the winds make merry with thy dust! ( sterling )<br />Bring fire!<br /><br /><i><br /><br />[Fanfare of music by Leigh Harline. Enter the torch bearers.The Acolytes now seize and lift the beir from the barge, hold it high above their heads and bear it in triumph up to the pyre, accompanied by the choristers. The music is interrupted by the peals of thunder and rush of wind. The ensemble stands transfixed with surprise and awe. All lights down, except torches and the lamp.Care laughs upon the hill. The dead tree is illuminated.]</i><br /><br /><br /><b><br />THE VOICE OF CARE</b><br /><br />Fools! Fools! Fools!<br />When will ye learn that me ye cannot slay?<br />Year after year ye burn me in this Grove, lifting your silly shouts of triumph to the stars.<br />But when again ye turn your feet toward the market-place, am I not waiting for you, as of old?<br />Fools! Fools! Fools!<br /><br />To dream ye conquer Care!<br /><br /><br /><i>[The High Priest has come down to the lake’s edge and stands gazing up at the ghostly tree from which the voice of Care has come.]</i><br /><br /><b><br />The High Priest</b><br /><br />Nay, thou mocking spirit, it is not all a dream.<br />We know thou waitest for us when this our sylvan holiday shall end.<br />And we shall meet and fight thee as of old,<br />and some of us prevail against thee,<br />and some thou shalt destroy.<br />But this, too, we know: year after year, within this happy Grove,<br />our fellowship has banned thee for a space, and thy malevolence<br />that would pursue us here has lost its power beneath these friendly trees.<br />So shall we burn thee once again this night and in the flames<br />that eat thine effigy we’ll read the sign:<br />Midsummer set us free.<br /><br /><br /><b><br />THE VOICE OF CARE</b><br /><br />So shall ye burn me once again! Ho, Ho,<br />Not with these flames which hither ye have brought.<br />From regions where I reign!<br />Ye priests and fools!<br />I spit upon your fire!</div><div align="justify"><br /><i><br />[Explosions at the Pyre. The torches are instantly extinguished. No light save from the lamp.Care’s laughter fills the darkness.The High Priest kneels and lifts his arm to the shrine.]</i><br /><br /><b><br /><br />The High Priest</b><br /><br />O thou, great symbol of all mortal wisdom, Owl of Bohemia, we do beseech thee,<br /><br />Grant us thy counsel!</div><div align="justify"><i><br />[The music of Fire Finale begins, offstage. An aura of light begins to glow about the Owl’s head, gradually silhouetting the colossus.]</i><br /><br /><br /><b><br />THE VOICE OF THE OWL</b><br /><br />No fire, if it be kindled from the world<br /><br />Where Care is nourished on the hates of men<br />Shall drive him from this Grove.<br /><br />One flame alone<br /><br />Must light this pyre, the pure eternal flame<br />That burns within the Lamp<br />of Fellowship<br />Upon the altar of Bohemia. ( GARTHWAITE ) </div><div align="justify"><i><br />[High Priest rises and ascends to Lamp of Fellowship]</i><br /><br /></div><div align="justify"><b><br />The High Priest</b><br /><br />Great Owl of Bohemia, we thank thee for thy adjuration. </div><div align="justify"><i><br />[lights torch and turns toward Pyre.]</i></div><div align="justify"><br />Well should we know our living flame</div><div align="justify">Of Fellowship can sear</div><div align="justify">The grasping claws of Care,</div><div align="justify">Throttle his impious screams</div><div align="justify">And send his cowering carcass</div><div align="justify">From this Grove.</div><div align="justify">Begone, detested Care, begone!</div><div align="justify">Once more we banish thee!</div><div align="justify">Let the all potent spirit of this lamp</div><div align="justify">By its cleansing and ambient fire</div>Encircle the mystic scene<br />Hail Fellowship; begone Dull Care!<br />Once again Midsummer sets us free!<div><div><br /></div></div> <div> </div><div> </div><div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-114266086401975519?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1142005608671878722006-03-10T07:46:00.000-08:002006-03-10T08:09:23.573-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/y.baron-Stockmar.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/400/y.baron-Stockmar.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">[1] Behind The Throne</a><br /><br />an excerpt from:<br /><span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;font-size:130%;" >Behind The Throne</span><br />Paul H Emden 1934<br />Hodder & Stoughton<br />320 pages – First Edition – Out-of-print<br />-----<br />BARON STOCKMAR<br /><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">ROUGHLY a hundred and twenty years ago, round about the time of the Vienna Congress, the utmost that anyone outside Germany knew of Coburg was that it was the capital of the Duchy of Saxe-Coburg (-Saalfeld; Gotha was not added till later), one of the many petty German States, only a few square miles in extent. Circumstances and possibilities in this tiny country were so limited that a capable young man, whether a member of the princely house or a commoner, who wanted to do something, or become somebody, had to leave the country and enter foreign service. Thus Prince Josias, after fighting against the Turks and then, not quite so successfully, against the Armies of the French Revolution, had attained the rank of Field Marshal in the Austrian Army. This was the prize and the bravura-piece of the dynasty and of the country.<br /><br />But barely a generation later much more information was available about Coburg. There were even people, whose opinion counted, who thought that it was too well known, that it had made itself far too well known, and that it would not be at all a bad thing if one or other of the Coburg people had remained at home. One sat on Belgium's new Throne, after having narrowly escaped becoming King of Greece; another occupied the Portuguese Throne; and in Brazil the wife of the Emperor was a Coburger. Two of the young Princes were sons-in-law of the King of France, whose daughter, again, had married a Coburger. And by the side of England's Throne stood a Coburger as Prince Consort.<br /><br />In the next generation, Coburg was the Ruling House in England, a Coburger was Empress of Germany, and a branch reigned in Bulgaria.<br /><br />This all followed an entirely 'peaceful conquest.' There had been no revolutionary happenings nor great events. No battles had been fought nor campaigns won. The Coburgers — cool and thoughtful men, who brought order and system into everything which they undertook — were clever enough to recognise the limits of their own abilities, and they took a manager. Resourceful, always behind the scenes and never in the glaring light of the stage, this curious man, who was not a statesman and had not studied diplomacy, went forward step by step, systematically and pedantically. The rise of the House of Coburg from historical darkness to the centre of European history, out of small circumstances to prestige and power, is due to the work and the merits of one man — Dr. Stockman<br /><br />The history of Stockmar, his life, his position, are unique; his influence on the leading men of his time and on events enormous. And yet must we not to-day — just as sixty years ago, when, ten years after his death, people began to think of him — ask the same question, 'Who was Stockmar?' Reputation does not always follow merit, and it is true of this man, too, that his contemporaries hardly knew him, and posterity knows little about him. It was his wish to stand in the shadows and 'mener une existence anonyme et souterraine' — lead in battle but himself remain invisible. At the same time he was fully aware of his worth and his importance, was not without vanity, and was thoroughly convinced of the great value of his advice. It is said of him that he had something like dread of publicity, and had avoided renown. Too much humility is sometimes nothing but a kind of pride.<br /><br />Who was Stockmar? This little German country doctor, who in himself had nothing which could in any way be called romantic, became, surely by a romantic fate, a man of outstanding personality who was on the most confidential footing with most of the European Sovereigns of his time, knew all their secrets and weaknesses, and could exercise such a strong influence at the English Court that the Ministers of the Early Victorian Age had to reckon with him, the 'most kind, eccentric, infallible, and unfathomable German who for twenty years had no small share in governing us.'<br /><br /><br />Charlotte, the daughter and only child of George IV, was a charming young lady, and her royal father's daughter; hence her (short) life was very exciting. But, apart from this 'past,' she had a future which in fact was to prove illusory: she was the heiress to the English Throne. First she wanted to marry the Prince of Orange; then she took an interest in the Prussian Prince Augustus and had secret meetings with him; and finally began an extensive flirtation with a certain Captain Hess. The fourth runner in this race was Leopold of Coburg, who had small chance of being 'placed.' Although George IV, at the time still Prince Regent, was not particularly qualified to play the guardian of morals and good manners, yet he made intensive use of paternal right and kingly power, and locked Charlotte up in Windsor. The Princes of Orange and Prussia, as well as the commoner Hess' vanished, were gone, and dropped out of the race. The Coburger had won in a canter, and his faithfulness found its well-deserved reward: together with the hand of the merry Charlotte he obtained the claim to be allowed at some future date to be the husband, of a Queen of England.<br /><br />The household of the young couple was set up in Claremont, and the small Court included, as personal doctor of the Prince, a fellow-countryman whom he had brought with him from Coburg — Christian Friedrich Stockman<br /><br />The existence of the latter had until then been colourless and uneventful. After the Public School education usual in the world of officials, he visited the small Universities of Jena, Erlangen, and Wuerzburg to study medicine. Many years later Stockmar writes of those days: 'If was a clever stroke, to have originally studied medicine; without the knowledge thus acquired, without the psychological and physiological experiences which I thus obtained, my savoir-faire would often have gone a-begging.' Quite decidedly Stockmar had retained all the advantages, but also all the disadvantages, of the medical man of those days for his future activities, which were to be so very different. He could quickly recognise a complicated situation and make a diagnosis; still more quickly he had a remedy at hand — the only one which in his view could be used and which was of infallible effect.<br /><br />In Claremont he was bored, and the more so because the other members of the Court looked down with a certain contempt on the plebeian foreign doctor. He occupied his free time in studying English history and English Constitutional questions, and in writing down painfully accurate character-studies of all persons whom he saw at the Court. Thus he says of Wellington that he was fond at table of whispering rather doubtful stories to Princess Charlotte; that she showed appreciation of them and laughed heartily is no more surprising than the fact that Wellington told them.<br /><br />With the Prince and Princess, Stockmar was on the best of terms. The merry Charlotte liked her 'Stocky,' and had much fun with him, for he, in spite of his weak health and an inclination to hypochondria, would yet at times be very merry and gay. The marriage which, after so many handicaps, had really turned out quite well, found his full approval, and with a touch of humour he wrote in his diary: 'My master is the best of all husbands in all the five quarters of the globe; and his wife bears him an amount of love, the greatness of which can only be compared with the English national debt.' By the side of the dutiful and virtuous man whom Stockmar called his 'glorious master, a manly prince and princely man,' Charlotte had changed, much to her advantage; if formerly she had kicked over the traces, this was perhaps due only to her former surroundings and the bad example which she saw in her parents. She herself once declared to Stockmar: 'My mother was bad, but she would not have become as bad as she was if my father had not been infinitely worse.'<br /><br />The nation at this time had no reason to look up to its Rulers with particular respect. George III was blind and practically mad, and the Prince Regent was as his daughter described him. In addition, times were quite particularly bad. After the Napoleonic wars, trade was at a deadlock in all its branches, unemployment had reached critical proportions, and in some industrial towns there had been noisy gatherings and riots. All hopes of better times concentrated on Charlotte, the heiress to the Throne, and her popularity grew still more when it became known that in Claremont a child might be expected which would one day rule over England in succession to its mother. The extraordinary interest which the nation took in this child is shown by an entry in Stockmar's diary: 'Bets for enormous sums have long been made on the sex of the expected child, and it has been already calculated on the Stock Exchange that a Princess would only raise the funds 21 per cent, whilst a Prince would send them up 6 per cent. In order to obtain sure intelligence respecting the condition of the Princess as soon as possible, the Ambassadors of the highest Powers have paid me, the poor doctor, the most friendly and obliging visits.'<br /><br />But the visits were paid in vain, and things turned out very differently.<br /><br />Stockmar was the physician of the Prince, not the Physician-in-Ordinary of the Princess, although he might have become so if he had tried. Thus he had nothing to do with Charlotte's confinement, and could refuse to interfere in any way during the months of pregnancy. In addition to the Physician-in-Ordinary, Dr. Baillie, Sir Richard Croft was called. in as specialist. Stockmar has written with regard to those months: 'I can only thank God that I never allowed myself to be blinded by vanity, but always kept in view the danger that must necessarily accrue to me if I arrogantly and imprudently pushed myself into a place in which a foreigner could never expect to reap honour, but possibly plenty of blame. I knew the hidden rocks too well, and knew that the national pride and contempt for foreigners would accord no share of honour to me if the result were favourable, and, in an unfavourable issue, would heap all the blame on me. As I had before at various times, when the physician was not at hand, prescribed for the Princess, these considerations induced me to explain to the Prince that, from the commencement of her pregnancy, I must decline all and any share in the treatment'; and later, 'When I recall all the circumstances, I feel but too vividly the greatness of the danger which I escaped.'<br /><br />Assuredly Stockmar had escaped from a great danger. Very coolly, very logically, he had considered and decided. There could thus be no question of a Doctor's Dilemma for him; at the crossroads he had decided for the dangerless path, which could carry no kind of responsibility with it. The future politician had considered discretion as the better part of valour; but whether the then physician acted correctly is another question.<br /><br />The Ministers, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the great Dignitaries of State, had gathered at Claremont to await the birth of the young heir to the Throne, but a dead boy was born. Five hours later Charlotte was dead too.<br /><br />As to these hours, decisive for the English Reigning House and for the House of Coburg, the diary relates that Croft came to Stockmar to inform him that the Princess was dangerously ill, and that he ought to prepare the Prince for the worst. He insisted that Stockmar should look after the patient. 'I hesitated, but at last I went with him. . . . Baillie said to her, "There comes an old friend of yours." She stretched out her left hand eagerly to me, and pressed mine twice vehemently. . . . Baillie kept giving her wine constantly. She said to me, "They have made me tipsy." . . . I had just left the room when she called out loudly, "Stocky! Stocky!" '<br /><br />The task of telling the Prince of her death fell to Stockmar. 'I did so in no very definite words. He thought she was not yet dead, and on his way to her room he sank into a chair. I knelt by him; he thought it must be a dream; he could not believe it. He sent me once more to see about her; I came back and told him it was all over. Then we went to the chamber of death; kneeling by the bed, he kissed her cold hands, and then, raising himself up, he pressed me to him and said, "I am now quite desolate. Promise me always to sit with me." I promised.'<br /><br />Stockmar kept this promise: no Prince could have had in his service a more unselfish friend, nor one who might more justly have said of himself, 'I seem to be here to care more for others than for myself, and am well content with this destiny.' But, for both, fate and history had great things in store.<br /><br />Fate was unkind to Sir Richard Croft, with whom Stockmar kept in touch after the unlucky confinement. 'My mind is at present in a sad state. May God grant that neither you nor any connected with you may suffer what I do at this moment,' wrote Sir Richard, who could not forget the terrible hours at Claremont, or bear the responsibility which Stockmar had evaded. Croft's condition grew into a state of deepest anxiety and excitement bordering on insanity, so that he lost all command of himself. At the next difficult confinement which Sir Richard had to attend he became quite beside himself. In the room adjoining the sick-room he found a pistol. With this he shot himself. The patient was safely confined.<br /><br />'Poor Croft,' exclaims Stockmar in his diary.<br /><br />Leopold's English dream was finished, but the first step into the great world was taken, et c'est toujours le premier pas qui coute. Leopold, the pacemaker for Coburg, had Claremont, a very ample annuity which Parliament had granted him, and he had Stockman He could afford to wait.<br /><br />But the two Coburgers had longer to wait than they had expected before new possibilities dawned on the political or any other horizon. The long stay in Claremont was agreeably interrupted by journeys to France, Italy, and Germany, and Stockmar made good use of the time by not only continuing his studies of history and the English Constitution, but also by getting married. True it is that during the next twenty years he was not to see too much of his new family, for Stockmar exercised his profession ambulando. His position as doctor had given place to a more extensive one at the Court of the Prince; he looked after Leopold's private affairs as Secretary, became Keeper of the Privy Purse and Comptroller of the Household. Occupying this purely Court office, he had not long to wait for a Coburg title, and soon after was raised to the nobility.<br /><br />The little doctor to an unimportant Princeling had now grown into the Chief Court Official and intimate confidant of a great gentleman. He became acquainted with the social and political life of England, and met many important and influential men. Insight into many things was gained, and the outlook broadened. And the opportunity to make use of the experience thus obtained arrived in due course: Leopold was offered the Throne of Greece, and there he intended — but other Princely Houses had the same intention — to set up a Coburg Dynasty.<br /><br />It was at this time that the Romantics of all nations united, and believed it was possible to restore the ancient Hellenic glory by a new Renaissance. Byron was drawn to its 'Land of lost gods and godlike men,' and Wolfgang Mueller, the father of the German-English-Sanscrit Max Mueller who was to play his part in the posthumous Life of Stockmar, sang his Greek songs, 'Without thee, 0 Hellas, what would the world be!'<br /><br />Complicated and many-sided negotiations took place, which on Leopold's side were conducted by Stockmar and his brother Charles,' and on the Greek side by Kapodistrias. Further European candidates appeared, a European game of intrigues began, Leopold-Stockmar made conditions which the European Powers refused to accept. Aberdeen wrote to Leopold, 'The Powers have no intention whatever of negotiating with Your R.H. They expect a simple acceptance of their proposal, and would consider a conditional acceptance as a virtual refusal.' Stockmar was not prepared to advise his master to accept unconditionally, and thus the offer was finally refused. It is not quite clear what the Coburgers really wanted, nor is there any evidence that they seriously intended to exchange Claremont for the neighbourhood of the Acropolis. Perhaps they feared the Greeks, especially when they offered Crowns. Nor did Stockmar distinguish himself by his diplomacy. George IV was heartily amused by the attempt, and gave Leopold the nickname of 'Marquis Peu-a-Peu'; Europe looked upon him as an irresolute intriguer. Further, it must have been difficult for Leopold to arrive at a decision, for in the background there was always the possibility that, for lack of grown-up heirs, or of any heirs at all, he might be called to the Regency of England. True it is that Stockmar denies quite vigorously that his final advice to refuse was influenced by this possibility, but such views very often come post hoc. However this may be, the affair with Greece had fallen through, and, when it had fallen through, Stockmar blamed his master because he had not followed his advice.<br /><br />Here we notice for the first time Stockmar's quality, which increased with the years, of looking upon his advice and upon himself as a 'display of oracular wisdom'; what he said was infallibly right; what he advised must lead to success. If his 'patients' — the practice of this former physician will yet be considerably extended, and he will write prescriptions for half Europe — do not strictly obey his instructions, he is always ready with his unpleasant 'I told you so.'<br /><br />The stages 'England' and 'Greece' were over. But as it is well known not only that 'opportunity makes desire,' but also that 'opportunities, like eggs, come one at a time,' just a year later another possibility dawned: Leopold was to become King of Belgium.<br /><br />The Belgian Provinces had risen against Dutch Dominion, had declared themselves independent, and were now looking for a Ruler. Why should not a German Prince, who had felt in himself the ability first to become a good Englishman, then a good Greek, now also think himself capable of becoming a good Belgian? From the start Leopold had good expectations; competition was small, and, above all things, Europe could easily agree upon him, as everyone was willing that the little Dynasty of Coburg, which, at that time, occupied no European Throne apart from the home one, should have this little rise, and no one was jealous. Leopold could be sure of the consent of England and of Germany; thanks to his military past in Russia, the Empire of the Tsars was also for him. France raised objections, and Count Sebastiani threatened, 'Si SaxeCoburg met un pied en Belgique, nous lui tirerons des coups de canon' ('If Saxe-Coburg puts one foot into Belgium we shall fire our guns on him'). In order to overcome this obstacle, the cautious widower discovered in time his love for a daughter of the French King. (Louis-Philippe, the father-in-law, was very glad, after the Revolution and the loss of his throne, to find an asylum with his family in Claremont.)<br /><br />The novelty in the formation of Belgium, the rise of a purely Constitutional State opposed to the reactionary Continental Europe, attracted Leopold and Stockmar. Extensive negotiations between the Belgian statesmen, the candidate to the Throne, and the European Cabinets made this problem, which in any case was not too simple, more and more complicated, till finally it became as complicated as later on the Schleswig-Holstein question, of which Palmerston had once said, 'Only two men really understood it. One of them, Prince Albert, is dead. I am the other — and I have forgotten all about it.' Stockmar was the right man to throw himself into such negotiations, to think of everything and to forget nothing. His influence on events grew steadily. Leopold, sitting still in Marlborough House and waiting and doing nothing without Stockmar, who had already hastened to Belgium, once wrote to him, 'My dear Stockmar, read the Constitution and give me your opinion.' Stockmar read, studied, wrote one memorandum after the other, and had already considered how the Court should be arranged -that a 'Lutheran Chapel is indispensable. People say, "We don't ask whether he is a Lutheran, but we ask whether he goes to his own Church in his own way." ' Stockmar was able during these extensive and difficult negotiations never to drop out of the role of the agent intime. He never in any way touched, in the slightest degree, the departments of the official Belgian diplomats.<br /><br />The Belgian question was settled, and, in spite of serious reverses at the start, was settled finally. A political work had arisen which was on a firm foundation, and stood so well that even the Great War, which in fact became a world war for the sake of Belgian neutrality, could not injure it. Within the meaning of the Coburg ambitions and within the meaning of the cautious Stockmar, the new State had come into being. Leopold could enter Brussels. Coburg had arrived.<br /><br />pps. 21-31<br /><br />=====<br /><br />CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE<br /><br />BARON CHRISTIAN FRIEDRICH VON STOCKMAR<br />(TM COBURG MARRIAGES)<br /><br />1787 Stockmar born in Coburg, August 22nd.<br /><br />1790 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg born.<br /><br />1796 Charlotte, d. of the Prince Regent (George IV) born.<br /><br />1805-10 Stockmar student of medicine.<br /><br />1816 Marriage of Leopold of Saxe-Coburg and Princess Charlotte.<br /> Stockmar's arrival in Claremont.<br /><br />1817 Charlotte died.<br /><br />1818 Marriages of the Dukes of Cambridge, Clarence and Kent.<br /><br />1819 Victoria, d. of the Duke of Kent, born May 24th.<br /> Albert of Saxe-Coburg, born August 26th.<br /><br />1821 Stockmar receives Saxon nobility.<br /> Stockmar's marriage with his cousin Fanny Sommer.<br /><br />1829-30 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg's candidature for the Greek Throne.<br /><br />1831 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg King of the Belgians.<br /> Stockmar raised to the rank of Baron in Bavaria.<br /><br />1832 Marriage of King Leopold and Louise of Orleans, d. of King Louis Philippe. (Their grandson was Albert, the late King of the Belgians.)<br /><br />1834-36 Stockmar mainly in Coburg.<br /><br />1836 Stockmar's preparations for the accession of Princess Victoria.<br /> Albert of Saxe-Coburg's first visit in England.<br /> Marriage of Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg and Maria da Gloria, Queen of Portugal. (Among their great- grandsons are Manoel, the last King of Portugal, and Carol, the present King of Roumania.)<br /><br />1837 Victoria's majority, May 24th.<br />Stockmar's arrival in England, May 25th.<br />Queen Victoria's accession, June 20th.<br /><br />1837-38 Stockmar Private Secretary to Queen Victoria.<br /><br />1838 Stockmar and Prince Albert in Italy.<br /><br />1839 Marriage of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert of Saxe- Coburg.<br /><br />1840 Stockmar raised to the rank of Baron in Austria.<br /> Princess Royal (Empress Frederick) born.<br /> Marriage of Victoria of Saxe-Coburg and the Duc de Nemours, son of King Louis Philippe.<br /><br />1840-47 The Spanish marriages.<br /><br />1841 Prince of Wales (King Edward VII) born.<br /><br />1842 King Frederick William IV of Prussia in England.<br /> Marriage of Prince Augustus of Saxe-Coburg and Clementine of Orleans, d. of King Louis Philippe. (Their son is King Ferdinand of Bulgaria, father of the present King Boris.)<br /><br />1843 Marriage of Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg and Maria Clementine, d. of King Louis Philippe.<br /><br />1847 Queen Maria of Portugal appeals to Queen Victoria for protection.<br /><br />1848 Revolution in Prussia.<br /> Prince William (Emperor William I) refugee in England.<br /> Stockmar Deputy for Coburg at German Diet.<br /><br />1854 Popular suspicion of Prince Albert.<br /><br />1857 Prince Albert receives title of Prince Consort.<br /> Stockmar's final departure from England.<br /><br />1858 Marriage of the Princess Royal and Prince Frederick of Prussia (Emperor Frederick III).<br /> Stockmar in Berlin and Potsdam.<br /><br />1860 Queen Victoria and Prince Consort visit Stockmar in Coburg.<br /><br />1861 Prince Consort died, December 14th.<br /><br />1863 Stockmar died, July 9th.<br /><br />1872 Stockmar's memoirs published: Germany, May; England, November.<br /></div><br />pps.82-83<div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-114200560867187872?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1141938987574037992006-03-09T13:16:00.000-08:002006-03-09T13:42:32.713-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/y.Hitler-color1.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/400/y.Hitler-color1.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><span style="font-size:130%;"><span style="font-size:100%;"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">[6] The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</a></span></span><span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;font-size:130%;" ><br /><br />The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</span><br />Paul Winkler<br />Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943<br />New York<br />381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print<br />-----<br /><br />CHAPTER VII<br />PRUSSO-TEUTONIA-ALIAS NAZILAND<br /><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">AFTER JANUARY 30, 1933, every one of Hitler's decisions, without exception, accorded with Junker interests. No act of his can be found which in the slightest degree harmed these interests. From the moment he took the reins of power no one ever spoke of the Osthilfe scandal again (although previously it had often been stirred up by Nazi Deputies in the Reichstag) or of "colonization" on Junker land. The different antiJunker slogans of early Nazism were definitely buried by Hitler. The Junkers and Hindenburg breathed a sigh of relief.<br /><br />This business disposed of work began in earnest on the Prusso-Teutonic scheme.<br /><br />The entire plan carried out by Hitler corresponded point by point with Prusso-Teutonic intentions. The details are well known. Decree-laws gave Hitler dictatorial powers all along the line. This meant the end of what still survived of the representative system and individual liberties in Germany. These transformations had been planned for. It was only the methods of accomplishing them that were original and bore the Hitlerian stamp. The burning of the Reichstag on February 27, 1933, was arranged to make people believe that the Communists were responsible for it and make them admit that it was necessary to vest unlimited power in Hitler to save the country from Communism. In contrast to the previous regionalistic character of Nazism, Hitler abolished every trace of autonomy in the various States, and subordinated all Germany to the domination of Berlin. The masses, deprived of their leaders by the Felime, did not protest.<br /><br />Making use of his dictatorial powers Hitler took the neces-sary steps to stand in well with every part of the PrussoTeutonic group. He introduced measure after measure to satisfy the Junkers and the big industrialists. He flattered the Reichswehr too and tried to make it forget that Schleicher, the man of the Reichswehr, had been replaced by himself as the head of the government. As for Schleicher, the latter's grudge was against von Papen rather than Hitler-because he believed it was the former who had been principally responsible for his downfall. He never realized that, in the last analYsis, everything had been organized by Hitler.<br /><br /><br />Denying the Past<br /><br />But Hitler had a revolutionary past which might be embarrassing to the interests he was now serving. He had hoisted himself to power by fulminating for years against existing power, including the Prusso-Teutonic forces.<br /><br />Originally Hitler was simply an agitator without a definite purpose, ready to ally himself with any group of interests, if he saw some advantage to himself from such an alliance. Among his faithful followers were sincere men like Gregor Strasser, who had strong German nationalist feelings but moved in a direction opposed to Prussianism. They ardently desired a German Federation free of any Prussian tinge. While the National Socialist party had had its headquarters in Munich, it had often displayed a Bavarian-inspired regional resistance to the centralizing pressure of Prussia. From time to time also, the Nazi party had appeared to be a movement with socialistic tendencies, opposed to Junker feudalism. Roehm's views were of this character, though clearly he was Strasser's moral inferior. But Hitler, who did not feel constrained by any basic principles and who made allies where he could (or rather, wherever his alert opportunism might lead him), surrounded himself also with men like Goering, the Prussian officer type; like Alfred Rosenberg, who dreamed of a new Prusso-Teutonic religion; and like Goebbels, who would have sold his soul to anyone, but who concluded that selling it to the Prussians would be most profitable.<br /><br />Despite his numerous ties with Prussian interests, for a long time Hitler would eat at anyone's table. His definite alliance with the Prusso-Teutonic forces was not consummated until early in 1933, Without it he would never have been able to accede to power, nor could he have risen to international importance. He would never have been more than a picturesque demagogue in the arena of internal German politics. Hitler was never a world threat until the support of Prusso-Teutonic forces gave him the key to power.<br /><br />The left wing of his party, Roehm and his three million SA, had taken his earlier promises seriously. These folk no longer understood what was happening. They had believed that the hour of revolution had struck, and demanded changes which might be extremely annoying to the Prussian clique Hitler was now planning to serve. Roehm went so far as to demand control of the Reichswehr by the SA and for himself powers superior to the generals. Decidedly, he did not yet understand what was going on.<br /><br />The man in Hitler's entourage who. had "understood" from the very beginning was Goering. He had always had personal ties with the Prussian powers. He now put himself more fully at their service. Consequently there was to be no change in his relationships with them and he was to be rewarded for his attitude: he would be permitted to set, up his "Hermann Goeringwerke, A. G." within the empire of German heavy industry.<br /><br />Hitler's accession to power became possible because of the confidence of the Prusso-Teutonics. He was well aware that he would be unable to maintain that power unless he managed to preserve this confidence. But the embarrassing activity of Roehm and his troops was imperiling it. Gregor Strasser was still estranged from the throne and his silence signified a con<br /><br />stant reproach to Hitler, reminding him that he had been false to his past. Kahr, leader of the Bavarian Separatists, formerly allied with Hitler, failed also to understand the Chancellor's alliance with the Prussian forces against whom they had striven together. This whole set was sowing unrest among militant Nazis and creating difficulties for the new Chancellor.<br /><br />Killing the Past<br /><br />In the spring of 1934 the Prusso-Teutonics became increasingly worried over the restlessness in the left wing of the Nazi party. Their cabinet "liaison officer," von Papen, decided to post a warning. On June 17, 1934, he delivered a speech severely criticizing the revolutionary phases of the Nazi regime. This meant obviously that the Prusso-Teutonics were wondering whether after all they had made a good choice in the person of Hitler, and whether they should not replace him. Von Papen doubtless hoped that as a result of this speech Hitler might be forced out and he himself might again succeed to the office. He was adaptable and managed to fit himself into a subordinate office, but if the necessity for change arose von Papen was not averse to playing first fiddle himself, under the baton, of course, of the same band-leaders as before.<br /><br />But Hitler clung desperately to his office and was prepared for any sacrifice to keep it. To meet the situation he improvised, as so often in his career, and his improvisation bore the usual stamp of his intuitive brutality. Goering had the same understanding of affairs as he, and followed him wholeheartedly, while Goebbels and Hess trailed along in more retiring fashion.<br /><br />The bloody purge of June 30, 1934, born of this inspiration, was a master stroke. Hitler organized it solely to regain the confidence of the Prussian clique. Gregor Strasser and Roehm were executed. They were the ones who had wished to proceed with the National Socialist revolution and had been reproaching Hitler for his alliance with Junkers and big industry. Schleicher was also killed. Despite his origin he had dared while in power to further a policy opposing Junker interests. Moreover, he remembered his negotiations with Strasser and Roehin and might possibly reveal at some future date the promises both had made in Hitler's name (and surely with his consent) for the purpose of arousing him to action against the Junkers. If Schleicher had survived the execution of Strasser and Roehm, he might at any moment have become an extremely embarrassing witness. Kahr naively had signed his own death warrant by reminding Hitler that he had once been on the other side of the fence, with the Bavarian Separatists against the Prussian powers.<br /><br />Von Papen's arrest on the same date was necessary to make him clearly understand that Hitler had no intention of abandoning the position of "first fiddle." He had to accept with a smile the execution of his assistants. They had been unwise enough to draw up the speech delivered by von Papen and had dared to recommend that the powers behind the scenes accord their confidence to someone other than Hitler. Since they were persons of no importance, no one would protest their deaths.<br /><br />Eventually von Papen was freed and was permitted to continue "to serve." The bonds between him. and the, Prusso-Teutonic forces were too close to allow Hitler to sacrifice him entirely. He deserved a warning and Hitler was satisfied with that much.<br /><br />By executing Schleicher, Kahr, Strasser, Roehrr-, and numerous other militant members of his own party having similar tendencies, Hitler had silenced embarrassing witnesses of his past. He had equally in this way arrested any future desire, within the Nazi party, to proceed in a direction opposing the interests of the Prussian forces. Besides he could now say to his Prusso-Teutonic masters: "For you have I sacrificed my best friends. I have eliminated Schleicher as well, who dared oppose you. What better proof could I furnish of my absolute devotion to your interests?"<br /><br />True, the Reichswehr, which was part of the Prusso-Teutonic clan, was angry at him for Schleicher's death. But Hitler knew that Junkers and industrialists were more powerful within the group than the Reichswehr, and in the course of his career he had never hesitated to betray weaker interests for the advantage of stronger ones. Possessing the confidence of Junkers and industrialists, he was certain that nothing could happen to him, and now that the general who had been bothering him was no longer present, he applied himself thenceforward to appeasing the Reichswehr too. Like a real "confidence man" he knew the best methods to regain the confidence of those whom he had tricked. Early in January, 1935 he read a declaration before an officers' society restoring Schleicher's "honor," the officers were pleased, and tranquility returned.<br /><br />The contempt which the Prussian General Staff felt for the Austrian Corporal did not disappear overnight, but they no longer disputed his orders. Despite appearances to the contrary, orders were no longer given in his name, nor in the name of Nazism (which had changed completely from its earlier form). Hitler was now speaking in the very name of the ancient Prusso-Teutonic caste of which the army officers were members, and whose supreme servant Hitler had become.<br /><br />The Anti-Semitic Camouflage<br /><br />Since then, what is now known as Nazi Germany has been the very prototype of what the Prusso-Teutonics might have dreamed in their most optimistic moments. Hitler had supplied the methods but it was the Prusso-Teutonic scheme which had taken shape: Hitler had merely contributed the anti-Semitic note to the choruses, which would certainly not displease the Prusso-Teutonics.<br /><br />Anti-Semitic camouflage has been put by Hitler to excellent tactical advantage. He knew that he could maintain his influence over the masses if he succeeded in preserving the revolutionary appearance of his movement. In the past he had berated Junkers, heavy industry, Jews and Communists indiscriminately. He could no longer say anything against Junkers and the industrialists-they were now his masters. There remained the Jews and Communists. To make up for what he had lost in area of attack he would intensify his brawling against the latter two groups. Former Communists were more numerous in Germany than Jews; it was therefore chiefly against the latter that he loosed his attacks. It was always preferable to march first against the weakest minority, thereby winning the sympathies of all who were not affected by these attacks and who consequently believed themselves privileged.<br /><br />Julius Streicher, filth-mongering editor of the Stuermer, had never been in the circle of Hitler's intimates. His movement had evolved on the fringe of the Nazi party. Nevertheless ever since he came into power Hitler drew from Streicher the inspiration for his anti-Semitic campaigns. Once he arrived at the conclusion, for the reasons stated, that it was good policy to intensify this campaign, it was natural, in order to go about it in the best way, for him to call upon the specialist.<br /><br />One should not for a moment forget that the anti-Semitic movement was, for Hitler, chiefly a "smoke-screen" which served to, hide his real intentions. The suffering of Jews in Germany and in territories occupied by the Nazis deserves all our sympathy, but the real danger which Hitler represents is quite another. Hitler prefers to place "the struggle against the Jews" in the foreground of his ambitions and from time to time "the struggle against Communists." The Teutonic<br /><br />Knights when they left for the Borussian country had constantly on their tongues "the struggle against the pagans," when actually they were thinking of conquest and nothing else. The same class has preserved through the ages, from the thirteenth century to our day, the same ambitions for unlimited conquest. This class and their ambitions have been hidden, at various points in Prussian history, behind different screens. Now this front is called "Hitler," as tomorrow it may be called "Goering," "von Papen," or "Thyssen." The men have changed through the ages but the forces controlling them and the methods employed have remained the same.<br /><br />We may add that Fritz von Thyssen's "flight" to Paris in April, 1940 was clearly designed to build up his prestige in the eyes of the Allies and to use him, if it becomes necessary to sacrifice Hitler, as a new front behind which the PrussoTeutonic game could be carried on. Indeed, in the beginning of the war, Germany's masters were somewhat uncertain about the results they might expect from Hitler's blitz technique. Thyssen's trip to Paris was decided upon in order to prepare for a new camouflage in case of an unsatisfactory outcome of the war.<br /><br />The successful invasion of France made such precautions appear to be superfluous. After Thyssen's return to Germany, "under heavy guard" to keep up appearances, it was learned that he was living quietly in a sanitarium in a fashionable Berlin suburb, instead of having been executed for having turned "traitor"—as everybody would have expected.<br /><br />Serving His Masters<br /><br />It is a well-known fact that Hitler succeeded to power through von Papen's intrigues and with the support of Junkers and heavy industry. Nevertheless, most authors conclude that Hitler, after getting hold of the reins of the government, devoted his attention first of all to imposing the Nazi regime upon Germany and subduing every other power there, including the Prusso-Teutonics.<br /><br />Exactly the opposite is true. Hitler, in order to become Chancellor, concluded a bargain with the Prusso-Teutonic powers and to this day has rigidly adhered to that bargain. It is true that ever since this agreement was made Germany has appeared in the eyes of the world in the guise of "the Nazi regime." It must not be forgotten, however, that Hitler has permitted to remain alive only as much of the Nazi system as suits the Prussian powers. He has suppressed everything that ran counter to those forces, including the "socialistic" and "revolutionary" nature of Nazism. The word "Nazi" has taken, since 1933-1934, a different meaning from what it had before, narrower and broader at the same time: narrower because it no longer corresponds at all to the program of early Nazism, and broader because of its use as a new cloak for Prusso-Teutonic ambitions.<br /><br />In practice this means that Hitler, unpredictable character though he is, acts as leader only within certain limits, and these limits are prescribed by the powers operating as his "bosses." He has never come to any decision which would not have been fully approved by the Junkers and heavy industry, preponderant elements of the Prusso-Teutonic group. He appears now and then to be in disagreement with the Generals, but then it should not be forgotten that the Reichswehr is only a kind of "Junior partner" in the Prussian company. Because of the professional pride which has always characterized military career men everywhere, the Reichswehr does not always submit blindly to the will of its associates. This was evident even in Schleicher's time and more recently as well, when, for example, General von Brauchitsch was recalled. Hitler acts a bit more freely toward the Reichswehr than toward his other partners, for, as in the days of Schleicher, he depends for support chiefly on the Junkers and big industry who, by reason of their economic importance, are his real masters.<br /><br />"Nationalists" and "Prusso-Teutonics" Are Not Identical<br /><br />What may have deceived those who think that Nazism has overcome the forces which promoted its access to power is the fact that the rightist parties have been liquidated by Hitler just as thoroughly as the parties of the left. Hugenberg was forced to dissolve his party and had himself to resign from the first Hitler cabinet on June 2 7, 1933 .<br /><br />The misapprehension stems from the fact that one may confuse "rightist parties" with "Prusso-Teutonic powers." The parties of the right were, indeed, liquidated by Hitler but not the forces behind them.<br /><br />Hitler considered the rightist parties as rivals. It is therefore understandable that one of his first considerations should have been to destroy them. But he knew that these parties were only fronts for more powerful forces. He never attempted to eliminate these forces for which he had always had a great respect. All he wanted was merely to become their sole aged and sole facade for the future. On this condition, he was ready to serve them blindly.<br /><br />The highly competitive struggle between the so-called German Nationalists and Hitler was perfectly defined by Robert d'Harcourt on February 20, 1933, barely three weeks after Hitler's accession to power, in the French Catholic review, Etudes:<br /><br />"Rarely have two parties waged a struggle as fierce as the Racists have against the supporters of Hugenbergy. From the beginning a great gulf opened between them in their differing attitudes toward capital, or fixed fortune. The former group based their stand on the economic depression debilitating Germany. They themselves had more than once quite cynically acknowledged that German misery was their prime ally. They had found in the bitterness and spirit of revolt of the masses and in the social climate in general, a springboard which they energetically exploited. To the young, and also to the embittered, they appeared to be revolutionaries. Their greatest strength was a vast stock of vague expectations and confidence in the overthrow of things as they were. In the eyes of the discontented unstable element the German nationalists [i.e., the Hugenberg followers] had the disadvantage of appearing as a party of money-bags, of gorged individuals—and at the same time, a mummified group. All the forces of reaction congregated within this party: industrial magnates, great agrarians of the East, capitalists of every color banded together to obstruct the road of revolution with a strong-box, and raise a wall of money against the barricade."<br /><br />The "Nationalists" had made the mistake of permitting reactionary influences which hid behind them to be seen too clearly. This was bound to render them unpopular. It was therefore not surprising that their representation in the Reichstag should have been the smallest. The Prusso-Teutonics had nothing to gain any longer by encumbering themselves with such a troublesome, weak front. It constituted a handicap to them from the moment they were able to replace it by the younger, more vigorous front offered by Hitler.<br /><br />The exchange was wholly to their advantage. It is not astonishing that they should have accepted it as soon as they believed Hitler's promises that he would faithfully serve them. These promises had been given directly, as well as through the medium of von Papen, during the weeks preceding January 30, 1933. When in 1934 doubts arose among the Prusso-Teutonics as to Hitler's sincerity, he felt it necessary to reaffirm his unlimited devotion by the radical act of the blood purge of June 30, 1934. "He goes to the length of sacrificing his most faithful lieutenants for us," said the Prusso-Teutonics, and they voiced no further doubts concerning his fidelity.<br /><br />A Well-Constructed Hierarchy<br /><br />One may wonder why Hitler, who betrayed so many in the course of his career, including his most intimate friends, should never have attempted to betray the Prusso-Teutonics. It is the only bargain Hitler seems to have kept. The reason is simple: he believes them very strong and more powerful than any other group in Germany, and therefore prefers to travel in their wake. It is certainly not moral considerations which prevent betrayal on his part.<br /><br />Hitler saw, during his long years of struggle to gain control of the ruling office of Germany, that it was always the men momentarily in the confidence of the Prusso-Teutonics who held this post. For years and years he had concentrated, therefore, on becoming that henchman serving the same forces and eliminating all rivals. After concentrating so long on this single aim he was not going to risk, by any false move, alienating the masters in whose power he believed.<br /><br />If he had wished to revolt against these forces, the natural thought would have been for him to lean on his own party as all the support that was needed. This in short was the solution proposed by Gregor Strasser and Roehm. But Hitler, a cynic, had reached the conclusion that "popular" forces—groups which appeared in the public eye and whose membership was open to the great masses of the people-were much less powerful than occult, closed forces, whose success was guaranteed by their firm internal organization. The Prusso-Teutonics had all the earmarks of a group organized in occult, or at least closed, fashion. In comparison with these forces the Nazi party must be considered an open, "popular" organization. (The fact that the Nazi party had been built up by demagogic means does not detract at all from its open, popular character.) The Nazi party has weight due to its numbers; the Prusso-Teutonic group, to the nature of its conspiracy. (See page 30 for the role played, according to the Nazi writer, Hans Krieg, by a "Conspirational Conmninity" in the achievement of alms bequeathed by the Teutonic Knights) Hitler realized that he could make the mass membership of the Nazi party serve him and he intended in turn to put himself at the service of the Prusso-Teutonic conspiracy. In this there was an hierarchical gradation from which Hitler, contrary to Gregor Strasser and Roehm, has never wished to break away.<br /><br />Since January 30, 1933, Hitler has devoted himself—with the aid of the Prussian forces—to the achievement of the old plans of the Teutonic Knights, of the great Elector, of Frederick the Great, and of Bismarck.<br /><br />In international matters, all Hitler's acts and decisions are what one would expect from any agent of the old PrussoTeutonic scheme. But to a world unprepared for them they are the startling manifestation of a newly risen universal danger.<br /><br />He spent a few short months exclusively on internal Gleichschaltung, eliminating every trace of the Weimar Republic and suppressing any possibility of disturbance from that source. The "authoritarian regime" which has always been a Prussian dream was fully achieved within a very short time.<br /><br />Then, in the month of October, 1933, Germany withdrew from the disarmament conference of the League of Nations. The whole Prusso-Teutonic class was jubilant and the "heavy industry" wing in their midst feverishly, prepared for heavy armament production. A few months of internal unrest followed which suggested the possibility of a split between Nazis and Prusso-Teutonics. But Hitler put an end to all that on June 30, 1934, and everything was straightened out.<br /><br />The Ancient Conquering March<br /><br />Rid of all disturbing elements, Hitler and the PrussoTeutonics could thenceforth devote themselves completely to the achievement of their common plan. The stages of this task followed one another in rapid succession. In March, 1935, conscription was again introduced into the German Army and Navy. This occurred in spite of prohibitions of the Versailles Treaty. In March, 1936, Germany occupied the left bank of the Rhine. Occupation of Austria followed in March, 1938; the "peaceful" occupation of the Sudetenland in September, 19 3 8, secured under armed threat; the rest of Czecho-Slovakia occupied in March, 1939; annexation of Memel in the same month through pressure on Lithuania; and finally in September, 1939, occupation of Poland. The ancient conquering march of the Prusso-Teutonics was on again, directed along lines of least resistance; it was only the last of the above movements of expansion that excited world resistance and thereby the present war. The task of secret rearmament, begun by the PrussoTeutonics immediately after the German defeat of 1918 and completed with the help of the Felime's activities, had produced its results.<br /><br />"God has erected our Empire before the Kings of the Earth," wrote Emperor Frederick II, who launched the Prusso-Teutonic forces on the path of conquest. From Frederick Barbarossa, who dreamed of himself as dominus mundi, to Hitler, who dreams of similar things, is but a step.<br /><br />The guiding diplomatic principles are identical with those of the old Teutonic Order. In the expansion of territory, no friendship or treaty is an obstacle and any excuse is valid. The precepts of Prusso-Teutonic theoreticians are followed, such as the teachings of von Buelow, who held that: ". . . it is first necessary to attack one's neighbor, before coming to more distant States. If this rule is not observed, countries separating the two main adversaries may declare themselves either with or against the great empire. Should they declare themselves against this power everything is changed, since a coalition of little States is equivalent to one big State."<br /><br />The "New Order" Is an Old Order<br /><br />More recent occupations of countries by Germany (Norway, Denmark, Holland, Belgium, France, Yugoslavia, etc.) at first glance may appear as simple strategic occupation. If one examines them more closely one can perceive, however, that the Prusso-Teutonic powers took advantage of each invasion of foreign territory, from the first day of occupation, to prepare in the most thoroughgoing scientific manner for the permanent subjugation of the occupied country. This was accomplished first of all on the economic level, where the Prusso-Teutonics' interests primarily are. They are well aware that economic control leads automatically to political control. German economic agencies follow closely on the heels of armies of occupation and endeavor to transform the temporary hold on conquered countries into a permanent economic control.<br /><br /> Until the present this operation has succeeded much more completely in a country like France, where local authorities have accepted the idea of "collaboration" than in countries occupied against the resistance of their governments. In France capture of control of corporations through forced sale to Germans took place with a show of legality because French authorities and courts, under pressure from Vichy, countenanced these transactions. The Prusso-Teutonics know that military occupation of France cannot last forever. Be-sides, they have probably considered the possibility of a German defeat which would bring about the fall of the Nazi regime They must have said to themselves that even in that case conquest of France would have yielded them the key advantages they had hoped to gain: they figured that it would be extremely difficult for the French to find the legal forms to get rid of German control over nearly the whole of their national economy. This control having thus been established within legal framework, according to French law, the task of destroying it would be arduous and complicated. This would be true even for a government under no obligation to respect the agreements of Vichy. It would of course be more true for any French government recognizing Vichy laws and decrees.<br /><br />All of this entered into the preparation for what Hitler calls the "New Economic Order." This "New Order" is in its entirety the old Prussian scheme of List, which ninety years before Hitler's reign provided the blueprint for the creation of European economic unity under domination of a Prussian Germany. It also provided for subsequent expansion of this Prusso-Teutonic Europe through invasion of the markets of other continents, and establishment of "protectorates" throughout the world. This scheme had always been close to the hearts of the Prusso-Teutonic powers of Germany and had been placed by Dr. Schacht and Dr. Funk in the foreground of the alms pursued by Hitler. Territorial conquest has a meaning subordinate to economic conquest, according to List's formula.<br /><br />An army of German accountants and auditors was installed in Paris, following the army of soldiers, to draw up "inventories" of all important French enterprises. After these inventories were drawn up German officials and delegates of private German industry called upon the various enterprises to secure for themselves absolute and quite legal control of these firms by the aid of political pressures of every sort and especially by means of the aid lent by "collaborators" within the French government.<br /><br />All this is in no sense a product of Hitler's invention or of Nazism. Neither is it the result of private initiative of a "racketeering" sort, springing up perhaps because of the complacency of certain German military authorities. (This is not to say that there is no wholesale racketeering going on in addition to the above transactions.) It is a matter, on the contrary, of initiative completely consistent with the official German scheme, which is the Prusso-Teutonic scheme stemming from List and other theorists of the same school of thought—and has nothing to do with Nazism.<br /><br />The Anti-Christian Current<br /><br />Aside from his conquest and these efforts to establish a "New Economic Order" under Gennan domination, Hitler's "innovations" are primarily in the religious domain. In order not to lose the sympathies of that section of German population which is deeply devoted to the Catholic or Protestant Churches, he approached this subject with many precautions during the early period of his rule. For some time, however, this aspect of his regime has come to the foreground in Germany and the world press has long dealt with the evident efforts of Hitler to substitute a purely Germanic faith for all forms of religion having foreign connections. It is openly said in Germany today that Mein Kampf should replace the Bible and it is hinted that Hitler will some day replace Christ.<br /><br />Certain observers called attention to the fact that Hitler had definitely created something new at least in the field of religion. All "religious innovations" now taking place in Germany are generally attributed to Nazism. But if we reread what Professor N. A. Cramb said in 1913 about German aims in the domain of religion (see pages 107-110) we must admit that in this sphere as well Hitler's "innovations" correspond point by point with the ancient Prusso-Teutonic scheme. Creation of a new world religion, purely Teutonic in character, appears in this light to be as important a goal in the whole scheme as the aims of political and economic conquest:<br /><br />"It is reserved for us to resume in thought that creative role in religion which the whole Teutonic race abandoned fourteen centuries ago," young Germans told Cramb in 1913 Judoea and Galilee struck Germany in the splendor and heroism of her prime. Germany and the whole Teutonic people in the fifth century made the great error. They conquered Rome, but, dazzled by Rome's authority, they adopted the religion and the culture of the vanquished." And Cramb adds: "Thus while proposing to found a world-empire, Germany is also proposing to create a world-religion."<br /><br />Seen in this light the violent anti-Semitic campaigns of Hitler are blows against the combined Judeo-Christian religions: these first blows are directed at the weakest branches of a single tree. The basic idea came from the Prusso-Teutonics and even Hitler's methods of employing it are of old Prussian inspiration: to attack first the weakest of one's adversaries and then only to extend the attack to the others, one at a time. This tactic makes possible clever propaganda which spreads the belief that only the minority group is the enemy, in this case the Jews.<br /><br />This anti-Christian current is a very ancient Teutonic trend. It is true that the Holy Roman Empire was, in its origins, profoundly Occidental and Christian; but the struggles waged against the Papacy by the Emperors who succeeded one another brought out atavistic, essentially antiChristian elements in these men as a reaction. Thus there had been, as we have seen, two men in Emperor Frederick II. In his youth he pursued an imperial vision of Occidental idealism. Later he became a bard man, the "hammer" of his century, a new Attila whose moral concepts were no longer Christian but quite close to those of the barbarians.<br /><br />It was precisely this Frederick ll—"second edition" (who was not so different from his grandfather, Barbarossa) who had intrusted an imperial mission to the Teutonic Knights. By acting thus he had automatically transmitted to them his basically anti-Christian principles, or at least a-Christian and amoral (according to our concept of the word "moral"). The Teutonic Order has pursued through the centuries this tradition and has, so to speak, crystallized it by giving it permanent form and even accentuating its anti-Christian direction. It is therefore not astonishing that the Teutonic Order should have been so frequently in conflict with the Papacy. The Prussia created by the Teutonic Knights and the Prussian spirit which evolved finally handed down to the present the anti-Christian tendencies observed by Cramb in 1913.<br /><br />When Alfred Rosenberg travels around Germany setting up his "Ordensburgen"—in which young Germans are indoctrinated with the principles of the new Teutonic religion -he is definitely inspired by the old tradition of the Teutonic Order. He is, moreover, right in calling these institutions "Ordensburgen," because each ancient "Burg" of the "Order" in the past centuries filled the same role as the recent institutions of the same name: The ancient Ordensburgen were outposts of Teutonic thought and expansion in Slavic countries.<br /><br />The Teutonic Order and its offshoot, the intermingled Prusso-Teutonic forces, have kept alive the Teutonic spirit of revenge against the Christian influence. The tradition of the Fehme has evolved on parallel tracks and was inspired by the same spirit. The spirit of the great mass of the peaceable and profoundly Christian German population has through the ages provided a striking contrast. Observers during all this time have taken account of only this latter aspect of affairs and have not attached sufficient importance to the Teutonic forces which were awaiting their hour.<br /><br />The belief in a Teutonic Messiah was always alive in these circles: Barbarossa was asleep in his mountain * and would come forth some day to lead his people toward new destinies.[ * See pages 337-341]<br /><br />Hitler expects to be this Teutonic Messiah. In this respect also he intends to take advantage of ideas which were set in motion long before his time. He knows how to "steal the show" in every field. He expects from his faithful that they take him with a respectful seriousness, as becomes a Barbarossa redivivus. The salute "Heil Hitler" was introduced precisely in order to superimpose Hitler on the image of Christ.<br /><br />The expression Third Reich was created to recall Barbarossa. The second Reich had been, in the interpretation of Hitler's faithful, that of Bismarck (although the latter had never so described it), and the first, that of Barbarossa. The figure three leads back to the figure one, as the Holy Trinity symbolizes the one God. Hitler, or rather Hess and Rosenberg -his experts in "mystic matters"-, were clever at choosing their symbols to catch the public imagination.<br /><br />Destruction of the Family<br /><br />The Prusso-Teutonics succeeded in liberating themselves completely from the background common to Western civilization: the Greco-Christian moral philosophy. The fight against the Christian spirit is thus an organic part of Prusso-Teutonism; Bismarck's famous "Kulturkampf," directed against the Catholic Church, and Hitler's open battle against all Judeo-Christian religions can be considered logical—simply as a part of this fight.<br /><br />We must put into the same class the methodical attempts made in Germany to break up the traditional concept of the family as well as the efforts to introduce into the relations between young people of the two sexes a lack of restraint directly opposed to Western ideas. The encouragement of sexual relations between girls and boys of neighboring youth camps and the propaganda advanced in schools to accustom the girls to the idea of having illegitimate children "for the State" or "for Hitler" are not accidental occurrences. They are part of a systematic plan to break up all the social forms and customs on which Greco-Christian society was built.<br /><br />This program has been extended even to the territories occupied by Germany. Recent reports from Poland and from Alsace-Lorraine seem to confirm that the "New Order" which the Prusso-Teutonics visualize in Europe would mean, in this sphere also, regression to long outdated concepts.<br /><br />The family idea is very ancient and goes back to pre-Christian times. It was adopted, however, as an organic part of the Greco-Christian moral concept. It evolved out of an elementary philosophy of life in which was latent the idea of the "primacy of the human person." The Individual, instead of being submerged in the Tribe or in the State, forms his own little universe, the Family-and all further development of Society starts at that point. The undermining of the ideas * on which the family has been built up means something further: the suppression of a unit in which the individual was able to find shelter from the uniformity and the exactions of the Tribe or the State. German policy in the matter of the sexual education of youth thus appears as an organic part of the plan to submerge the individual within the State—the PrussoTeutonic State, of course, even if the individual is Alsatian or Polish.<br /><br />No girl should be selfish enough to save herself for her future husband or to be dominated by thoughts of the family she may wish to raise. Such thoughts are no longer a virtue. They are a crime against the State: children should be begotten only for the State. "There is but one virtue-to forget oneself as an individual," said Fichte and von Bernhardi long ago. The individual's thought of procreating should be governed only by the needs of the State. And if these children are born out of wedlock, so much the better: without family attachments they will be much more willing to submit themselves to the State.<br /><br />The Five Prussian Characteristics<br /><br />We may now recapitulate the various traits which are inherent in "Prussianism." We can find five such traits, or characteristics. First, there is the threefold mark mentioned in<br /><br />* i.e., those opposed to promiscuous sexual relations, those referring to the first allegiance of children to the head of the family, etc.<br /><br />Chapter 11 as particularly characteristic of the Teutonic Order. Let us review the meaning of each of these traits:<br /><br />(1) The Teutonic harshness of the Knights. This appeared on many occasions as the barbaric element in Prussianism. This is the trait which goes back directly to pre-Christian days. It explains the many cruelties apparent in the Third Reich which so often shocked the Western World.<br /><br />(2) The egotism of caste and the arrogance of the Teutonic Knights. The Knights were of noble descent. The Order itself was described symbolically as a "Hospital" of the German nobles, a sort of charitable self-help institution with the purpose of procuring due and undue privileges for the caste members. We are facing here the feudal element in Prussianism; in its name were committed the numerous abuses for which the Junkers so often were criticized. This created and encouraged in Prusso-Teutonic Germany an atmosphere of corruption strangely fused with the so-called "higher goals." This element is also responsible for the famous arrogance of the German Junkers and officers which has frequently aroused world-wide resentment.<br /><br />(3) The fanaticism and the "disciplinarian" mentality derived from the monastic origin of Prussianism. The Teutonic Knights acted in the most un-Christian manner and were often in open struggle with the Church. Nevertheless a severe monastic rule reigned supreme within the Order in contradiction to the frequently un-Christian outward conduct of the Teutonic brethren. It is true that in this rule the accent was on discipline and not on Christian spirit. This rule was inspired by the statutes of the two other Knights' orders in the Holy Land, especially by those of the Templar Order. The strictness of these statutes was a guarantee of survival for these Orders. The leaders of the Teutonic Knights wanted to insure survival of their Order by using the same means. In spite of their frequent opposition to the teachings of the Church they could employ monastic rule because this was not necessarily Christian. The traditions of the Sicilian-Norman State in which Emperor Frederick II had been raised also influenced these statutes toward the same disciplinarian spirit. From this source the Order inherited especially its conception of a State led by officials governed by the same rigid discipline. Out of this monastic fanaticism and disciplinarian mentality evolved the famous "Prussian discipline" of the German army and officialdom; and also the intolerance characteristic of most institutions in present-day Germany. This is the trait in Prusso-Teutonic Germany which is at the antipodes of any "sense of humor." But this monastic fanaticism in the Knights' times also meant absolute devotion to the cause of the Order and utter disregard of the "primacy of the human person'' This primacy was a Christian principle but its application was necessarily lost in the rigid monastic structure of the Teutonic Order: the Order's interests took precedence over those of Christianity and mankind. In the course of centuries the Teutonic Order developed into the Prussian State. The absolute devotion which originally had been accorded to the Order now was directed toward the State. This devotion in modern times took shape as the German totalitarian idea applied by the Prusso-Teutonics in connection with the Prussian-controlled German State.<br /><br />Besides this threefold mark, the Teutonic Order had two further characteristics. These were the ones directly inherited from the Hohenstaufen Emperors: (a) ambition aiming at world domination; (b) fight (undercover or open) against the Christian spirit. These two aims were closely connected. As we have seen, the Hohenstaufens concerned themselves only with the unlimited extension of their own power in the direction of world domination-toward which the Church took (and had to take by its very nature) a strongly critical attitude.<br /><br />The Teutonic Order inherited from the Hohenstaufens both these ambitions and the spirit of resistance against the supremacy of the Church and Christian teachings in general. In the isolated hot-house of Eastern Prussia these two "Leitmotivs" grew to gigantesque proportions through the centuries.<br /><br />These five characteristics were perpetuated by the inner circle of the Order and later by the Junker organizations. They still pervade present-day Prussianism. They have even obtruded themselves into the foreground to such an extent that their sudden appearance in the limelight has surprised the world. It has not been fully realized that this is no spontaneous creation of Nazism, but that these characteristics have for centuries been inherent in Prussianism.<br /><br />It is due to the five traits or tendencies we have described (two of which were inherited from the Hohenstaufen Emperors, three developed within the Teutonic Order) that Prusso-Teutonic Germany (Hitlerian Germany today) seems to be so utterly different from the rest of the world. And it is also because of the same characteristics that it is so different from that other Germany: the Germany of Greco-Christian culture-which used to be the Germany before Prussian domination was established over all German nations; and which may still exist, to a limited extent, in a part of the country—or at least in certain German homes.<br /><br />The All-Important Fight Against the Christian Spirit<br /><br />Of the five characteristics of Prusso-Teutonic Germany, the two inherited from the Hohenstaufen Emperors described under (a) and (b) are the most significant and the most important. These—"ambition aiming toward world domination" and "fight against the Christian spirit"—appear as the basic driving forces. It is quite natural that this should be so, since the Teutonic Order accepted these two aims when it embarked on the Borussian adventure and consciously carried them for-ward through the centuries.<br /><br />The "fight against the Christian spirit" seems to be the more all-embracing of these two aims. It is even a kind of prerequisite to the other aim-unlimited imperialism-because the Christian spirit is necessarily opposed to domination of the world by a single group or State. Also, it was possible for the other three characteristics of Prusso-Teutonic Germany which we have described to develop into what they are today only because of the basic anti-Christian tendency of the Order, and in later times of the Prusso-Teutonics.<br /><br />The Teutonic harshness and egotism of caste, lacking all limitations set by Christian morality, made possible the cruelties and abuses for which the Teutonic Knights were infamous in Prussia, the peculiar practices of the Felime in the Middle Ages and particularly in its revived, more cruel form after World War I, and the present inhuman mass-killings of the civilian population in the Ukraine, Yugoslavia, etc.<br /><br />The unlimited devotion to the State without the humanizing influence of Christian morality is at the origin of such statements of principles as those contained in the writings of the Prusso-Teutonic theoreticians (see Chapter 1) *—statements which Western people with their Greco-Christian background feel are basically opposed to their way of thinking. This also explains the constant lying and broken promises of the Teutonic Order where advantages for the Order's State were at stake; and also the same attitude in more recent Prussian history-particularly in the case of Bismarck, whose Machiavellism and cynicism are surpassed only by Hitler's. This peculiar type of devotion to the interests of the State finds justification for the most evil actions, provided they benefit the State.[ * For example: "Right belongs to those who are victorious in war"; "The right of conquest is universally recognized"; "Strength is the highest law"; "Without war we would find degenerate races"; "War is a sound panacea for the people"; "Everything has its price"; "The State is an end in itself."]<br /><br />Secret Germany<br /><br />One may ask whether there is an actual secret organization behind the Junkers and the Prusso-Teutonics or whether the familiar Prusso-Teutonic organizations are responsible for the sequence of events presented in this book.<br /><br />Really secret organizations seldom betray their existence by outward signs. Nevertheless the founding of the secret "Society of Lizards" (Eidechsengesellschaft) is an historical fact. Reliable historians have related how this society tried to pull the strings in Prussia while the Order of the Teutonic Knights still existed. Kotzebue attributes to the activities of this secret society the secularization of Prussia.<br /><br />The unilinear evolution which has taken place since then—in Prussia and in a Germany dominated by Prussia—and which corresponds point by point to the basic principles of the Society of Lizards might be considered sufficient circumstantial evidence of the survival of a secret Prusso-Teutonic organization right down to our time. But there is more. The entire process of Prussian growth seems to be inspired by an uninterrupted organic plan. The continuity in the achievement of this plan while the Teutonic Order was responsible for the growth can well be understood. No interruption in the logic of events is observable, however, even since the time when the Order ceased to manage the affairs of Prussia. The natural thought, of course, is that the Society of Lizards, which was-while the Order still existed-its rival for influence in Prussia, secretly carried forward the same plans on its own; and that the same Society inspired the Great Elector, Frederick II, Bismarck, Wilhelm II, and the different leaders of Germany since 1918.<br /><br />Our circumstantial evidence goes further: Germany was defeated in 1918 and the old ambitious plans of the Prussian elements seemed shattered forever; yet within a few months somebody, somewhere, behind the curtains in Germany, made decisions of the highest importance. These decisions meant revival of the old Fehme, the organization of a systematic terror planned to undermine the young German Republic and to facilitate Germany's secret rearmament. So-called "secret societies" sprang up from one day to the other all over Germany-societies which were secretive as regards the details of their decisions and activities, but whose existence itself was a secret from nobody. All these secret societies were closely connected among themselves; and there was no rivalry between them. Their activities complemented each other wonderfully. Even a superficial observer must conclude that all this was possible only if these societies received instructions from the same hidden, absolutely secret sources.<br /><br />The fact that the Fehme terror sprang up so rapidly, so "spontaneously" after the first World War tends to confirm the view that the decision to institute this terror must have been reached by a very small group operating secretly. It is extremely difficult to imagine that a large, openly organized association like the Reichs-Landbund (the professional organization of the Junker landowners), or a social club like the Herrenklub (to which nobody but the cream of the Prusso-Teutonics was admitted), could overnight have taken such a grave decision as the starting of a new blood tribunal. Matters of this delicate character can be decided only by a few people who are party to the same secret, and bound by the same vows. Unless this condition exists, endless discussions ensue which hinder a quick decision; and the danger Of betrayal exists. It is a fact that no time elapsed before the decisions were taken, and the orders were issued to the different executive agencies. Further, nobody ever betrayed the working of the inner circle of the twentieth-century Felime.<br /><br />At the end of the nineteenth century, Emperor Wilhelm II, who was nurtured on the traditions of the Prusso-Teutonic Order, actually reestablished this Order in Prussia and Ger many. The descendants of those who, acting in the Society of Lizards, displaced the ancient Order from Prussia—and contributed thus to its disintegration—now claimed for themselves the right to appear cloaked in the dignity of those whose place they had taken. (From their point of view they were perfectly right to do so: although they had displaced the Order, they actually were carrying on the Order's traditions. They acted like a man who secures control of a corporation by the foulest means and then, continuing on the original policies of the enterprise, makes speeches to the glory of his predecessor.) Not much was said about the activities of the revived Order, but its yearly conventions in East Prussia were generally noted by the German newspapers. A few months after the beginning of the present war, a short notice appeared in German papers announcing that Hitler himself had been initiated into the Teutonic Order.<br /><br />No information is published about the internal organization of the contemporary Prusso-Teutonic Order, nor about its exact connections with what—if it still exists—is the present-day survival of the Society of Lizards.<br /><br />In a word, we cannot expect to find documentary evidence about the precise functioning of "Secret Germany," but we do not need more than circumstantial evidence for our purposes. In this connection it is interesting to note that in May, 1924, when the 700th anniversary of the University of Naples, a University founded by Emperor Frederick II, was celebrated, a crown was found near the sarcophage of the Emperor in the Cathedral of Palermo with the following inscription:<br /><br />"Seinein Kaiser und Helden<br />Das geheime Deutschland"<br /><br />("To Their Emperor and Hero, from Secret Germany)"* [*From: E. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite, 1928]<br /><br />This Secret Germany, whatever may be the form in which it functions today, may certainly be grateful to Emperor Frederick II, author of the Bull of Rimini, and thereby spiritual father of the Teutonic Order, who enabled Secret Germany to preserve to our times his mystic, world-spanning ambitions.<br /><br />It is this Secret Germany, this Germany carrying on a centuries-old conspiracy, about which the Deputy Gareis spoke in 1921 in the Bavarian Landtag, and which caused his murder. It is this same Germany which, as we have seen, brought Hitler to power and has enabled him to appear in the eyes of the world as a great conqueror, or a great criminal—depending on the point of view.<br /><br />If we assume the existence of a Secret Germany, the open Junker organizations like the Reichs-Landbund and the Herrenklub—which also derive from the Order of the thirteenth century-have only a secondary role, carrying out instructions of the secret group like all the other recently established societies which we have mentioned. But even if we disregard the circumstantial evidence which proves the actual survival of Secret Germany, we must admit that a straight line can be detected between the Teutonic Order of the thirteenth century and the Germany of today. In this latter case we must assume that the Reichs-Landbund and the Herrenklub are the final source of all decisions because they would be the highest in the hierarchy of all existing Prusso-Teutonic organizations. They would thus have the final responsibility for Germany's present-day role.<br /><br />The facts set forth in this book support the former view.<br /><br />The Barbarian Revolt<br /><br />Before the advent of Hitler to power, the German Catholic thinker, Theodore Haecker, clearly recognized that Hitler was the faithful valet of the Prusso-Teutonic forces and that he would act in this capacity when he became head of Germany. Haecker considered the Prussian trend an evil German tradition, a kind of bastard tradition. Here is what Haeckcr wrote in December, 1932 (in Virgil, Father of the West):<br /><br />"We are aware that we are living in dark times. We still have in us just enough light to be conscious of the darkness enveloping us; to perceive it through the heavy vapors rising from the second and third Reichs (Bismarck and Hitler: or we know that the advent of the Racists will inaugurate a new age of Humanity which they will baptize the third Reich) and which are exhaled by the impure, hollow declarations of our second and third-rate apostles and prophets of empire. At the bottom of these foul Messianic fermentations is no trace of spirituality [Geist] and even less of the Holy Ghost [Heiliger Geist]. Their sole excuse, perhaps, and even more the excuse of those they carry along in their train, is the spiritual and material distress in which we are living.<br /><br />"The great trickery, the great fraud is this: from the hour that Prussia incarnated the idea of Empire, this idea of Empire changed in dimensions, ceased to be the common affair of the Christian West, and shrank to the compass of an internal affair, of the Germanic tribes of the Forest of Teutoburg . . . plebeian, cardinally vicious and perverted in its deep essence. From the beginning of its history Prussia has been a State, and nothing more than a State. A State stricken with hydrocephaly. She has never had any ethnic character. She has never been a race like Bavaria or Swabia. She has never been a people or a nation. She has never annexed a race, a people, a nation except by means of deceit . . . . * The Prussian State has introduced into the Germanic idea of the Reich elements which cause it to disintegrate internally, short-sighted State centralism, and an anti-Christian, bestial nationalism." [* The italics are mine. P.W.]<br /><br />The entire background of what we consider the "Hitlerian" regime is here in the words of Haecker published two months before Hitler's accession to the chancellorship. Nazism may have represented many things since its beginning. Since January 30, 19337 it has been nothing more than "Prussianism" and lives only by the grace of Prusso-Teutonic forces which alone count in Germany.<br /><br />Hitler and his acolytes have taken all the blame for whatever can be said against the Germany of today, while PrussoTeutonic Germany has succeeded in making the world almost forget that it ever existed-and certainly has succeeded in concealing the fact that it is still there, more than ever responsible for everything that is done in Germany's name.<br /><br />The forces which in 1933 allowed Hitler's accession to power kept him there on condition that he serve their interests, and that he systematically pursue their cherished plans of conquest. They always preferred to work through some such figurehead, because, recognizing the possibility of a setback to their ambitions, they thought it preferable for others, rather than themselves, to be blamed for any failures. Thus, they would be able to reorganize their activities later under new guises.<br /><br />Domination over all of Germany was the first goal which attracted the Prusso-Teutonics. Once this was accomplished the rest of the world was to be brought under control.<br /><br />In what Prussianism has become through the ages it represents a "barbarian revolt" against all that is dear to us in Western culture. Whether Hitler is overthrown tomorrow or not, Prussianism will still be here in all its threatening reality, a real focus of evil which to this day has always escaped the surgeon's scalpel.<br /><br />Unless, this time, we have the courage to cut out from its depth all of the putrid flesh. . . .<br /><br />pps. 210-240<br /></div>-----<div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-114193898757403799?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com9tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1141938859470057242006-03-09T13:14:00.000-08:002006-03-09T13:21:10.146-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/Medieval%20History%20-%20Soli01.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/400/Medieval%20History%20-%20Soli01.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">[5] The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</a><br /><span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;font-size:130%;" ><br />The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</span><br />Paul Winkler<br />Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943<br />New York<br />381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print<br /><br />CHAPTER VI<br />THE LAST ACT OF THE<br />TRAGICOMEDY<br /><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">ON MAY 30, 1932, Bruening resigned. Von Papen followed as Chancellor and was succeeded on December 2, 1932, by General von Schleicher. Von Papen's and Schleicher's governments were the last two before Hitler's advent to power on January 30, 1933. The main trends underlying these events were the following:<br /><br />(a) When von Papen succeeded to power he expected to have Hitler's support. It was with this in mind that he had procured subsidies from the industrialists for Hitler. The latter's support would be very useful to him, for although he governed with the aid of Presidential "decrees of dissolution," no Chancellor could afford to dismiss the Reichstag too often. The Nazis were the most important party in the Reichstag. Although they did not have a majority at their disposal, their support was nevertheless of great value to a government head. Besides, Hitler was an excellent "bogeyman" who could serve to hold in check the parties of Germany's left, and intimidate countries abroad. The latter, under the effects of this intimidation, would be much more apt to make concessions to Germany in the direction desired by the Prusso-Teutonics. Von Papen figured that the bargain he had concluded with the Fuehrer was fair and satisfactory to both. He therefore expected it to last, the more so because Hitler could not hope to accede to power himself. Indeed the Marshal had pronounced an absolute veto of this possibility and the Reichswehr did not look upon it favorably either.<br /><br />(b) Von Papen knew that he could count on the support of the real masters of Germany, the ruling Junker clique and heavy industry. He served them well and had no doubts about his reward. Also, he had been on an equal footing with Schleicher in the overthrow of Bruening, and the general accepted a place in his cabinet as Minister of the Reichswehr. The Reichswehr would therefore be behind him too. Possessing, in addition, Hindenburg's friendship and counting on Hitler's integrity, von Papen imagined that he would remain at the head of the government for many years.<br /><br />(c) Von Papen, believing his regime to be a lasting one, let it be understood that he had plans reaching far into the future. To consolidate his position positively he projected a reform of the Weimar Constitution, a reform which would have procured him quasi-dictatorial powers and would have put an end to the parliamentary system, condemned to death by the Prusso-Teutonics. Then, in the field of foreign policy, von Papen recommended ideas in the direction of a "European Federation" under German control, and spoke of a rebirth of the Holy Roman Empire. He had not, of course, taken any of his ideas from Hitler but rather from purely Prusso-Teutonic sources. Nevertheless one may say that if he had been able to maintain himself in power he would have tried to carry out, internally as well as abroad, schemes almost identical to those which Hitler was to produce later.<br /><br />The result would have been practically the same and probably Prussian Gennany under von Papen's control would have taken a direction about identical with the one she took under Hitler. True, von Papen would have carried out some of his plans at a different tempo, not possessing Hitler's brutally determined spirit. But what he lacked in brutality he compensated for in subtlety and his regime would doubtless have deceived foreign countries much longer. Hitler's one merit is that of having brought the danger into the foreground, into the public eye. The characteristic brutality of his expression and action has resulted in making the world aware of the threat for which actually the Prusso-Teutonic forces are responsible-more aware than if a more commonplace individual, von Papen, for example, had pursued the same course.<br /><br />The reason why von Papen was not the one finally to put these plans into practice for the Prusso-Teutonics was that Hitler did not intend him to be. Hitler was incontestably the stronger of the two. He was not going to allow von Papen to get the credit for the performance, nor to content himself with the role of "bogeyman." He might consider this role but only if he could play it as a star. He had realized that von Papen expected to maintain himself in power as compensation for his faithful service to the Prusso-Teutonics. He therefore decided that he would not let him have that privilege: that he himself would occupy that post and serve the same interests with even greater devotion, allowing von Papen at most a position in the background.<br /><br />Blackmail and Intrigue<br /><br />The following sequence of events developed from the interplay of the motives discussed above:<br /><br />1.—Von Papen organized his cabinet with Schleicher as Minister of War and representatives of the Junkers as holders of the greater number of portfolios. Von Papen dismissed the Reichstag and prepared, in agreement with Hitler, new elections in which the Nazis expected to increase their number of seats. The von Papen-Hitler alliance seemed firmly cemented.<br /><br />2.—On July 2 0, 1932, von Papen forcibly removed from office the Socialist government of Prussia. As a reaction against the feudal powers secretly controlling public affairs, the people of Prussia had placed Socialist governments in power in the state of Prussia after the Great War. Since Prussia represented about two-thirds of the area and population of Germany, its Socialist governments were a nuisance to the feudal powers who intended to keep effective domination over Germany's affairs. By putting an end, with his coup d'Etat, to the contradictory situation existing in Prussia, von Papen rendered another important service to his friends. The Prime Minister of Prussia, Otto Braun, and Severing, Minister of Interior (both of whom were Socialists), were frightened by the terroristic acts of the PrussoTeutonics and did not dare to resist, although they had a considerable police force at their disposal. The legal excuse given by von Papen for his coup d'Etat was clearly on uncertain ground and was later invalidated by the Supreme Court of Leipzig. No matter; control of Prussian affairs was to remain in the future directly with the Reich.<br /><br />3.—Von Papen managed to satisfy his "bosses" on all matters. Decrees authorized wage reductions. Osthilfe subsidies were granted wholesale to the Junkers. Satisfaction was given the Nazis as well: the measure calling for dispersal of the SA and SS, issued under Bruening, was suspended.<br /><br />4—New elections were held on July 31. The Nazi is now obtained 230 seats in the Reichstag out of a total of 608. Hitler did not yet have a majority but he had nevertheless won the day. His future now looked most promising.<br /><br />5.—On August 13, at von Papen's' suggestion, Hitler went to see President von Hindenburg. The Chancellor thought that Hindenburg's authority would be sufficient to persuade Hitler to accept a post within the cabinet. Von Papen hoped that as part of the government, Hitler would continue his support. Hitler told Hindenburg frankly that he did not want a subordinate place in the cabinet. He wanted to be Chancellor or nothing. Hindenburg went into a rage but it did no good. Hitler gave him to understand plainly that from that day on he would be on the opposing side. The Hitler-von Papen alliance was terminated for the time being. It had definitely served Hitler's purpose because he had obtained the new elections he wanted and had come out of these stronger than before. He had also avoided the dissolution of his "self-defense troops" which the previous regime had considered. Having secured what he wanted Hitler could now go into opposition to the government. From then on the government was again in danger.<br /><br />6.—Hitler carried out his threat on September 12. The government met with a reverse in the Reichstag, Nazis and Communists voting against it. The result: 513 against, 32 for. Nevertheless von Papen did not resign; he dissolved Parliament. Elections were set for November 6. In the meantime von Papen arranged to have the industrialists cut off Hitler's subsidies. The Nazis would therefore find themselves in financial straits during the electoral campaign and the election returns would reflect this. Only twelve millions voted for the Nazis instead of the fourteen million at the last election, and as a result the National-Socialist party lost thirty-five seats.<br /><br />7.— Von Papen, by forcing Hitler into elections without the financial aid he used to procure for him, hoped to put him into a position of inferiority. He expected that a new agreement with Hitler would thus be easier to achieve. The Nazi party was indeed passing through a severe moral and financial crisis. For the first time the most faithful members of the party began to doubt Hitler. Creditors became threatening. But the Nazis, in spite of their losses, were still the most important party in the Reichstag.<br /><br />Von Papen thought he had brought Hitler into line and again offered him a post in the cabinet, even proposing to him the office of Vice-Chancellor. Hitler refused. He was still playing "all or nothing."<br /><br />8.—The expedient of dissolving the Reichstag could not be repeated ad infinitum. Von Papen therefore put into execution an idea which he considered a stroke of genius. On November 17, 1932, he offered the President his resignation. He knew that he would be asked to form a new cabinet. He would take advantage of the crisis to prove that it was quite impossible to constitute a government which would have a majority in the Reichstag. Under such conditions it could be shown that if any government were to be stable and effective the constitution would have to be changed. Von Papen as Chancellor would receive under the new constitution quasi-dictatorial powers.<br /><br />9.—A strong government might perhaps have been able to effect such a change in the constitution, equivalent, without the approval of the Reichstag, to a coup d'Etat. In order to establish a government of this nature it would have been essential for von Papen to be able to count on full aid of the Reichswehr. However, at the last moment this aid entirely failed him. Schleicher actually declared that he did not wish to be in the new cabinet. At first von Papen thought it was a trick. He continued to bargain with the General, who remained adamant, his position taken. Under such conditions there remained no choice for von Papen but to announce, on November 30, that he was unable to organize a new cabinet.<br /><br />10.—By leaving office von Papen thought he was taking a step which would add to his prestige; he expected to return some day. He retained Hindenburg's confidence, as well as that of the Junker-heavy industry group. He did not feel too strongly against Hitler for not supporting him, for the Nazi leader had for a long time given him plainly to understand that he was not disposed to cooperate except on condition that top place be reserved for him. As for Schleicher, who had stabbed him in the back, von Papen wished to wreak vengeance upon him at the first opportunity.<br /><br />11.—What had inspired Schleicher's attitude? Negotiations with Gregor Strasser, Hitler's second-in-command as head of the Nazi party, had been the cause. For a long time Strasser had been dissatisfied with Hitler's close connections with the Junkers and heavy industry. He knew that these connections had of late been passing through von Papen. As we have seen, Strasser still held to the old "Socialist" conception of his party and would have liked to free it of its servitude to the Prusso-Teutonics, toward whom he had always been critical. With this aim, he inclined in the direction of an alliance with Schleicher who willingly let himself be designated as the "Socialist General."<br /><br />Such was the integrity of Strasser that he kept Hitler informed of his negotiations with Schleicher. Hitler encouraged them, for he saw in them a good way to separate Schleicher from von Papen. Urged forward by Strasser, and indirectly by Hitler, Schleicher had formulated a plan to organize the cabinet himself, succeeding von Papen, whom he dropped from then on, and taking Strasser with him as Vice-Chancellor. Hitler pretended to be willing to accept this combination, but stated his conditions.<br /><br />12.—While waiting for the matter of Gregor Strasser's entry into his cabinet to be settled, Schleicher organized his government on December 2, hoping Strasser would join him in a few days. One of Hitler's conditions had been that Strasser ascertain, before accepting the post of Vice-Chancellor, that Hindenburg's veto regarding himself was still valid. Schleicher took Strasser to the Marshal, who gave him his word of honor that "the Austrian corporal would never be ReichsChancellor." Strasser considered the matter definitely verified. He informed Hitler of his interview and awaited Hitler's permission to accept the post of Vice-Chancellor.<br /><br />Hitler was to arrive in Berlin on December 8 to discuss the question. Strasser waited in vain at the station. Hitler was not on the train. Later in the day Hitler rushed to Strasser's house and violently reproached him, accusing him of having lied. Hitler said that he had just seen von Papen, who had assured him that Hindenburg's word had not been final.<br /><br />Since then Otto Strasser has recounted his brother's interpretation of this scene. Gregor, very devoted to Hitler, could never see the full extent of his Machlavellism and attributed Hitler's reproaches to the intrigues of Goering and Goebbels. Indeed Goering and Goebbels had for some time been very jealous of the position occupied by Strasser in the party. Strasser, still confident of Hitler's good faith, felt that only under the influence of Goering and Goebbels could Hitler have believed that his most faithful lieutenant had lied to him.<br /><br />Actually it is plain that Hitler, in spite of Strasser's interpretation, had been putting on an act during all these discussions. He had never had any intention of allowing Strasser to accept the office of Vice-Chancellor, for he knew that this would give Strasser practically first place in the party, which would not have suited him at all. Moreover, by entering the cabinet Strasser would considerably fortify Schleicher's position, and this again would not be to Hitler's advantage. Hitler had nevertheless pretended to approve of Strasser's negotiations, only for the purpose of eventually separating Schleicher and von Papen. Once Schleicher's cabinet had been formed and this separation accomplished, he could afford to reverse his position. The scene he had played before Strasser when he spoke of lies and betrayal, and quoted the testimony of von Papen, Goering, and Goebbels, was merely one of those sensational, dramatic stunts which Hitler always uses to good advantage when he wants to extricate himself from a difficult situation. Strasser let himself be deluded (like so many before and after him) into believing in the sincerity of the actor he was watching.<br /><br />13.—Gregor Strasser was too weary to continue the struggle. Grieved and deeply shocked that Hitler should believe him a liar, he resigned his position in the party and left for a vacation in Italy. Hitler rubbed his hands with satisfaction; everything had gone as he had hoped. The danger of a strong Schleicher cabinet had been avoided and he could now study the best means of ultimately compromising the "Socialist General."<br /><br />14.—Schleicher resigned himself to the fact that he could not count on direct aid from Gregor Strasser to improve the position of his government. However, he thought that his tie with the Reichswehr was enough to give him the requisite strength. He did not realize that Hitler, considering him a dangerous rival, had decided his fate. Hitler did not attack in the open, although he had at his disposal in the Reichstag the necessary strength to lead such an attack against Schleicher with every chance of success. But for Schleicher a Reichstag defeat would have been "honorable." As its sole consequence he would have been forced to resign temporarily, with nothing to prevent him from returning to power later.<br /><br />15.—The only positive way to prevent any return of Schleicher would be to compromise him in the eyes of the forces actually in control of affairs: the Prusso-Teutonics. The left wing of his party again became the unconscious tool of Hitler. Nazi delegates of Strasser's group (that is, anti-Junker) introduced a question in the Reichstag on the matter of the Osthilfe abuses. General Ludendorff, whose ties to Hitler were well known, led a violent campaign against Hindenburg concerning the circumstances surrounding the deed of gift to Neudeck. In this way Ludendorff gratified his personal jealousy of Hindenburg. For Hitler, this was but one additional use of blackmail to enable him to succeed to power.<br /><br />Schleicher also fell into the trap. Believing-as Hitler intended he should-that these attacks had been launched with Hitler's consent, he hoped to secure legislative support from the Nazis by promoting the airing of the scandal in the Reichstag and the press. The Socialists, glad of an opportunity to deal the Junkers a blow, joined in the chorus.<br /><br />16.-Meanwhile Hitler, directly and through the medium of Goering and Goebbels, maintained close contact with von Papen and through him with the Junkers. He pointed out that Schleicher represented a danger to them because he was favoring the exposure of the Osthilfe affair. The fact that the flames of this campaign were constantly fanned by Hitler's own acolytes did not embarrass him at all. He explained that he could discipline the fanatics in his party and guarantee that such incidents would not recur in the future only if he were appointed to the office of Chancellor.<br /><br />17.—It was all blackmail, but von Papen was thinking only of his revenge on Schleicher. Besides he had finally realized that Hitler would accept nothing short of the Chancellorship. Hitler, needing von Papen's contacts with the Junkers and the industrialists, had given him to understand that he would be quite ready to cooperate with him on condition that von Papen content himself with a secondary role. The Westphalian was probably already resigned to this. He did not feel himself quite equal to a contest with Hitler and preferred to have him as a friend rather than an enemy. A decisive interview took place between the two men in Cologne, at the home of Baron Schroeder, financier of the heavy industry. Hitler gave assurances to his interlocutors that if he were granted the reins of power he would put an end to the socialistic sallies of his party's left wing.<br /><br />18.—Von Papen had no difficulty in persuading his friends, the Junkers and industrialists, that they should henceforth place their bets on Hitler. Only the latter was ready to guarantee that the Osthilfe scandal would no longer be discussed. Besides, Hitler could carry out as well as he—or perhaps even better, he must admit—the scheme already outlined by von Papen on which the entire Prussian clique had agreed: constitutional reform with complete concentration of power in the hands of the Chancellor, continuation of the work of rearmament behind the screen of Germany's financial isolation, inaugurated in 1931; and finally, reconstruction by stages of the Germanic Holy Roman Empire. All this had hitherto constituted the Prusso-Teutonic scheme as expounded by von Papen. Hitler would take charge of it thenceforth for the benefit of the same silent partners.<br /><br />19.—On January 12, Schleicher was "guest of honor" at the Landbund banquet. A Landbund bulletin was passed around containing a violent attack on the Chancellor. Schleicher demanded an explanation. It was not given. He was made to feel that the article expressed the feelings of the Landbund members and that was all. Schleicher rose and left the hall accompanied by the generals present. He still did not understand that his fate was already sealed. Junkers and the Landbund had let themselves be persuaded by von Papen, and in the end by Hitler, that Schleicher was dangerous to their interests.<br /><br />He did not realize that nothing could save him now, that only the method of his departure was left to be arranged. Jan Bargenhusen writing in the magazine Die Weltbuehne* on January 24, 1933, said:<br /><br />"The amount of personal authority with which Schleicher assumed office is already terribly diminished. The Landbund in particular has treated him badly . . ." Bargenhusen concluded his article with the words: "The German Reich is a Republic. All power comes from the Landbund." [ * Published by C. von Ossietzky, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, who was later to die in a concentration camp.]<br /><br />20.—The last act of the tragicomedy took place at the presidential palace. Hindenburg still was hesitating about dropping Schleicher, who seemed to have the generals' support. But his son, Oscar, made it clear that Schleicher was promoting revelations about the Neudeck affair and if that continued, a scandal very embarrassing to father and son might well break out. True, the army still favored Schleicher, but on the other hand the Junkers were absolutely against him and this counted much more. Faced with these considerations the aged Marshal no longer hesitated. On January 28, 1933,<br /><br /><br />Schleicher asked Hindenburg for the famous decree, signed in advance, which provided for dissolution of the Reichstag. This decree had been granted his predecessors who had ruled with the aid of the threat it contained. Schleicher had no doubt that it was a simple formality and that the decree would be granted him without difficulty. But Hindenburg refused, and Schleicher understood that the President had withdrawn his confidence. He was deeply hurt and resigned.<br /><br />21.-Nothing remained to be done but to appoint his successor. Von Papen was prepared to let Hitler have the post. The Junkers agreed. Heavy industry agreed. Why shouldn't they, since there was no other candidate available to accomplish what had been planned?<br /><br />22.—Only Hindenburg was still unable to reach a decision. He had given his word of honor that the "Austrian corporal" would not be Chancellor. The Junkers therefore arranged a final stunt to speed things up. On January 30, 1933, one of their leaders, Count von Alvensleben, rushed to the Presidential palace with the "scoop" that Schleicher had put himself in command of the Potsdam Garrison and was marching on Berlin to arrest Oscar von Hindenburg, Papen, and Hitler. The "news" was pure fabrication but it had its effect. Under the stress of emotion Hindenburg finally consented to have Hitler form a government with von Papen as Vice-Chancellor. The Nazi regime was born.<br /><br /><br />On January 30, 1933, began the Gleichschaltung. The various parties were liquidated in succession and a single party, the Nazi party, was left. Henceforth it was to be the only front for the interests which had promoted its rise to power.<br /><br />People had the impression that from then on Hitler was sole master of Germany. Everyone wondered at the ease with which he had gained possession of the helm, meeting with no resistance either from left or right. They forgot that the<br /><br />leftist parties, weakened by underground efforts of the secret societies, were no longer prepared to resist.<br /><br />As for the forces behind the rightist parties, these had all agreed to consider the Nazi party as their front for the future. No other parties would be necessary. The old garments had served their purpose. They could be thrown away.<br /><br /></div>pps. 197-209<br /><br />==cont==<br /><br />Peace,<br />K<div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-114193885947005724?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1141938242920660712006-03-09T13:04:00.000-08:002006-03-09T13:09:50.986-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/G223.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/400/G223.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">[4] The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</a><br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;font-size:130%;" >The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</span><br />Paul Winkler<br />Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943<br />New York<br />381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print<br /><br /><br />CHAPTER V<br /><br />THE PRUSSO-TEUTONICS APPROACH THEIR GOAL<br /><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">ON THE FIRST OF OCTOBER, 1927, two extremely dignified gentlemen in frock coats and striped trousers called on Marshal Hindenburg President of the German Republic. They were the "secret adviser" (Geheimrat) Duisberg, head of the famous chemical firm I. G. Farben and one of the leaders of German big industry; and the royal chamberlain, Elard von Oldenburg-Januschau, mouthpiece of the Junkers and<br />official representative of the Reichs-Landbund, the Junker agricultural organization. They came to present to Hindenburg a "gift from the German economy"—title to the Neudeck estate, castle and grounds.<br /><br />Neudeck had belonged to the Hindenburgs from the time of Frederick the Great, though the Marshal himself had never owned landed property. Tomorrow the whole country would be celebrating his eightieth birthday and on this occasion the Junkers and big industry had decided to restore the estate of his ancestors to him.<br /><br />A Stroke of Genius<br /><br />The idea had been conceived by the designing OldenburgJanuschau, who was a close friend of Hindenburg. This "king's chamberlain" was a kind of liaison officer to the Marshal, permanently delegated by the Junker organization to safeguard their interests in the Presidential office. Oldenburg had worked effectively. The contribution of the Junkers to the cost of the gift was trifling. The greater part of the funds came from big manufacturers, whose purse-strings were looser than those of the Prussian landlords, always in debt. Nevertheless the moral benefit of this princely gift to the Marshal-President would revert equally to both groups. In this there was a certain justice: the industrialists had supplied the money, the Junkers the idea.<br /><br />Industrialists and Junkers were hoping by this gesture to obtain a stronger hold on Hindenburg. But the Junkers hoped to secure an additional advantage of their own. By being transformed from an army officer without property into a landowner, Hindenburg would become a genuine Junker like his forebears. He would have the same day-to-day economic anxieties as they, and would be better qualified to understand their ideas and aspirations.<br /><br />Bismarck himself had been a great landlord, owner of three domains: Schoenhausen, Friedrichsruh, and Varzin. His entire economic policy conformed to the special interests of the Junkers. Under his regime import duties on agricultural products were steadily increased, to the disadvantage of other classes of the population. Under his successor, however, things had gone less smoothly.<br /><br />A Junker Who Forgot to Be a Junker<br /><br />When the young and impetuous William II decided that Bismarck should retire, he replaced him by Count von Caprivi, a general, member of a Junker family, who at first had the confidence of Prusso-Teutonic groups. But Caprivi possessed no fortune of his own; he was simply a soldier. Moreover, he pursued economic policies directly opposed to what the Junkers believed to be their interest. Between 1892 and 1894 he concluded commercial treaties which represented evolution toward free trade with Austria-Hungary, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland, Roumania, Serbia, and Russia. They provided for a decrease in duties on imported agricultural products, in exchange for similar concessions granted by the various countries for admitting manufactured goods which Germany wished to export.<br /><br />Young German industry was happy, and the public gladly experienced a general reduction in the cost of living. But the Junkers were furious. Because of their unprogressive methods of exploiting their soil they could make profits only if they could sell their products at exorbitant prices, artificially bolstered by high import duties. So they decided on the fall of von Caprivi who had become increasingly persona non grata to them.<br /><br />A campaign of unusual violence was launched against the chancellor. Finally in October, 1894, the Emperor, while visiting on the estate of Count von Eulenberg, one of the most influential Junkers of the time, decided without apparent reason to recall Caprivi. The "powers behind the throne" had received full satisfaction.<br /><br />Hindenburg became President of the German Republic in 1925. Descendant of an old Junker family, he was elected with the support of the Junker class, but once in power he seemed at times to forget that his sole duty in his new office was to serve the special interests of some 13,000 Prussian lords.<br /><br />True it was that Hindenburg, like Caprivi, owned no land. His fidelity to Junket principles, therefore, originated simply in the traditional alliance between the corps of Prussian officers and the Junker class, and not in any direct personal interest. For an officer younger than Hindenburg, the entangled interests of the Reichswehr and Junker organizations might have been an argument strong enough to warrant total submission to orders from the manor lords. But Hindenburg was a hero of the Great War as well as President of the Republic, elected for a term of seven years at the age of 78. He could therefore consider himself sufficiently independent to act merely as one who wished to leave posterity the recollection of a man devoted to the public interest.<br /><br />At the beginning of his term as President, Hindenburg seemed unwilling to accept orders from anyone, and, in spite of his antecedents, was ready to serve the Republic faithfully. The Republican parties were agreeably surprised, but this independence was unbearable to the Junker class. It had to be stopped at all costs. Neudeck was the bait held out to him. By one operation Hindenburg was made a debtor of the Junker class and heavy industry. In addition to this, as owner of a great estate in East Prussia he was henceforth to have the same worries and interests as other Junkers. The case of Caprivi had been a lesson, and the remedy found was an excellent one.<br /><br />A Fruitful Alliance<br /><br />The alliance between Junkers and big industry in this overture to Hindenburg was not an innovation. It was -the same fruitful cooperation which we have seen at work behind the Felime murders. At first glance the interests of the two economic classes do not appear identical. The Junkers favored high tariffs on agricultural products to prevent competition, while it was to the advantage of industrialists to conclude commercial treaties facilitating exportation and allowing in exchange importation of agricultural products. In signing his series of commercial treaties Caprivi had yielded to considerations of the latter sort.<br /><br />But German industrialists of 1927 were no longer like those of 1892. The latter saw their future in natural expansion of their export markets, in healthy competition with manufacturers of other countries. The industrialists of 1927 had already been brought into line by the Junkers They had been made to understand that as German manufacturers they need not think along the lines of Anglo-Saxon economy. In free competition with foreign industries they could hope at best to secure one of the three first ranks in world markets. But Germany, according to Prusso-Teutonic schemes, should not be content with one of the first places, but ought to obtain complete domination of all markets.<br /><br />The plan for achieving this purpose was simple. Instead of facilitating trade with other parts of the world by concluding commercial treaties which successively lowered tariffs, they must, on the contrary, increase duties on imports and set themselves apart from the rest of the world. (Later this isolation was to be effected much more thoroughly with the aid of exchange control introduced under Bruening's regime by Dr. Luther and perfected under Hitler by Dr. Schacht: control of exchange which subjects all importing to the control of the State.) The plan anticipated the following stages: economic isolation; considerable rise in cost of living; misery and discontent of the people; blame traced back to parliamentary institutions and the Allied nations; then a twofold result: discredit of parliamentary institutions and rearmament.<br /><br />At this point industrialists were promised these advantages: huge arms orders as an ample compensation for lost export business; high tariffs on imported products of heavy industry; successive subsidies by the State to German industry to allow a certain amount of exporting as a method of dumping (in exchange the State obtained foreign currencies which it needed even with control of exchange); and finally, because of discontent of the people and as a result of rearmament, war; then conquest by blood and fire of new territories, each becoming an economic outlet totally submissive to German control.<br /><br />The Right Kind of Competition<br /><br />In this line of reasoning the point of view of the Hanseatic League no longer prevailed. That ancient trading association of free German cities had struggled to gain control of world markets by every legitimate means of free commerce. The Hansa's contests with English merchants had been sharp but honorable for centuries, and had been carried on according to rules identical on both sides. The League, if its traditions had prevailed in the economic life of Germany, might indeed have become a real threat to other countries in the markets of the world, because German merchants were ingenious and industrious. But that threat would have been perfectly legitimate, conforming to the rules of the game of economic competition, and would have stimulated the competitors of the Hansa merely to show greater ingenuity in their turn.<br /><br />The new economic plan had been conceived in order to produce a threat to Germany's competitors of an entirely different sort. It was no longer a matter of playing the game fairly to win as much as one could from one's opponent, but of overpowering him and taking everything away from him. The Junkers had succeeded in getting German industrialists to accept their robber-barons' tactics and discard traditional Hanseatic methods from the German economic scheme.<br /><br /> There is a time-honored conflict between the two prin-ciples. In the middle of the fifteenth century the bloody war of the German Hanseatic cities against the Order had had its origin in the same conflict. In 1466 the Hanseatic cities had been victorious over the Teutonic Knights. In the twentieth century the descendants of those Knights, the Junker class, succeeded in driving the Hanseatic economic concept out of Germany.<br /><br />World Dominion or Ruin<br /><br />The Junkers were anxious to have a good presentation for their "new economic theories." Prusso-Teutonic theorists of the nineteenth century had supplied the necessary presentation and at the same time an exact outline for applying their plan. (We have seen the advantage they managed to derive from the economic theories of List, put into practice by Dr. Schacht.)<br /><br />But if that "presentation" had been useful in getting their plan accepted by the rest of Germany, including the industrialists, the Junkers were concerned with something simpler: their own immediate interests. These immediate interests demanded higher tariffs on the import of agricultural products to allow them to raise their prices and make greater profits. Their concern was to perpetuate the comfort in which they had lived as long as they were able to profit by the virtual famine that reigned in Germany during the postwar years. Here is what a German writer, Rudolf Olden (Hindenburg, Paris, 1935) says on the subject:<br /><br />"The famine which continued in greater and lesser degree until 1924 had been the big opportunity for German agriculture, a period of easy success and luxury for everybody who produced comestibles. Hardly had this time passed when the great landowners immediately asked for protective tariffs. On this point also Germany stood at the crossroads. On the one side fulfillment of the Treaty of Versailles, peace, disarmament, flourishing of commerce and industry, cultural progress, satisfied labor; on the other side, high tariffs for grain and wine, isolation from the world market, refusal to make reparations payments, rearmament, class struggle from above, provocation of a war of revenge."<br /><br />One may clearly discern the precise plan of Prusso-Teutonic organizations, the secret Junker societies, behind the "unilinear operations" of the Great Elector, of Fredenick the Great, of Bismarck, of William the Second and of those who, under the Weimar Republic, conducted the Fehme and prepared in secret for rearmament. The extraordinary homogeneity of these operations would of itself suffice as indication of their common origin. But one need not imagine that 13,000 Prussian manorial lords—i.e., all the Junkers—had been initiated into the full scope of the plan. That is not the way. secret societies work.<br /><br />The Junker class as a whole, assembled in the "professional organization" known as the Reichs-Landbund, and in the social and political society known as the Herrenklub, envisaged only their immediate interests. But those interests had been presented to them in such a way that they coincided with the combination of goals pursued. The procedure was simple enough. The Junkers wished to isolate themselves from the rest of the world in the matter of importing products of the soil, in order to sell their own at higher prices. To attain their purpose, they needed the political support of heavy industry; and to obtain that support they had to make promises to industry as to the rearmament program. Moreover, they had to introduce into every German economic circle a complete plan that would encompass the realization of their own immediate ends.<br /><br />This complete plan lay ready for use. It was an elaboration of the precise plan that had directed every phase of Prussian growth, the plan which had inspired the fantastic dreams of the Prusso-Teutonic writers of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth. This plan evidently satisfied the imagination of the Junker class as a whole, but to them it was fundamentally only a fortunate way of presenting their most immediate and much more limited purposes. The Junkers had to make every influential group in Germany accept the idea that for their country it was a matter of life or death to embark on a course of world conquest. The theory, "world dominion or ruin," came anew to the surface, and they attempted to make people believe that the fate of all Germany was at stake in this breath-taking dilemma. Actually if anyone was threatened with ruin it would be only the 13,000 Junkers—ruin which the Junkers could have avoided by other means: by modernizing their farm operations and restricting expenditures. But such modernization and restrictions were inconceivable to these feudal lords. To avoid them all Germany had to be drawn into an interminable period of "cannon versus butter," and strife with the rest of the world.<br /><br />The "Osthilfe" Scandal<br /><br />The "gift from the German economy" given Hindenburg in 1927 in the form of the domain of Neudeck was to provide the Junker class with a hold over the octogenarian Hindenburg profitable in many respects. Several irregularities came about in connection with the gift. First of all, it was arranged to save on the transfer taxes. Taxes on gifts as valuable as Neudeck were extremely high, amounting to 44 per cent of the assessed value. The revenue authorities allowed themselves to be persuaded to make an exception and formally waive these taxes on the ground that Neudeck was a kind of "national gift."<br /><br /> This exemption could have been vaguely justified if it had actually been a matter of transferring property to the name of the Marshal-President. However, the deed to the property was not recorded in the name of Marshal Paul von Hinden-burg! but in that of his son and aide-de-camp, Colonel Oscar von Hindenburg. Indubitably it was a matter of avoiding the inheritance tax in the eventuality, probably close, of the aged Marshal's death. Neudeck was worth a million marks; the inheritance taxes saved in addition to the gift taxes mentioned above amounted to 100,000 marks. Incidentally, by register-ing the property in Colonel Hindenburg's name the Marshal's other children were deprived of their rights.<br /><br />The Marshal, entirely under his son's influence, offered no resistance. He did not realize that each of these irregularities opened a door through which pressure could later be brought to bear on him. Henceforth he could no longer allow himself the luxury of being a President caring only about the national interest. If he had ever dreamed (ingenuous thought!) of being able to free himself of his antecedents, and of acting simply as a soldier and German statesman, not as a Junker, he must now dispel that dream. He sank to the level of the other Junkers. He became their partner of destiny in a "combine," disclosure of which might well embarrass him because of his position much more than it could embarrass the instigators of the transaction.<br /><br />Oscar von Hindenburg had a fatal influence on his father. Eager to take advantage of his exceptional position, he was part of every political combination between 1925 and 1933. It was an open secret in Berlin that one could easily get what one wanted from the Marshal by being on good terms with the Colonel. Member of the Herrenklub, the "social front" of the Junker class, where details of political deals were debated day in and day out, Oscar in the end was completely dominated by the Prusso-Teutonics.<br /><br />On his eightieth birthday the Marshal, now a landowner, was exultant. He was enjoying Neudeck as a child enjoys a new toy. His dream at last had come true. He would no longer be a poor officer without soil or root. This was what had troubled him so during his youth when he used to compare himself with his more fortunate army comrades. If he wished to relax from his wearying duties he could now rest in his own castle, hunt on his own grounds; and when he died he could leave this lovely estate to his son. The latter would have the advantage of it at an age when the father had had to be content with being a poor guest on the property of friends.<br /><br />At Neudeck Hindenburg was the neighbor of Oldenburg-Januschau. The two saw more and more of each other and the Marshal had an even more attentive ear than before for the suggestions of the man whom he considered his benefactor. Oldenburg in his conversations emphasized the "difficulties of agriculture." Indeed, the golden age which had reigned for the Junker class, due to the famine in Germany, had come to an end. The Junkers could no longer sell their products at exorbitant prices and profit by the misery of others. Their yields on the agricultural market at current prices were no longer enough to allow them to continue the extravagant living and drunken carousing to which they were accustomed.<br /><br />A good share of Junker money was also going to finance illegal detachments of the Black Reichswehr concealed on their properties. All this was no longer possible with the reduced finances which the Prussian lords now had at their disposal. Besides, they were running further and further into debt.<br /><br />Hindenburg, who was touched by Oldenburg's recital of the "misfortunes of agriculture," consented to intervene with the government to find a possible remedy. This was how the famous Ostbilfe (Eastern Aid) was created, a fund amounting to 250 million marks. The avowed purpose of the Osthilfe was to "come to the aid of small farmers and peasants who had been ruined in the period of inflation." But in the few years of its existence Osthilfe money brought about the "refinancing 17 of some 10,500 big Junker manor lords (of the entire 13,000), by payment of their debts and by according them new credits on practically unlimited terms. On the other hand, Rudolf Olden shows that of two million average farmers, only one out of forty-five received loans, and of three million small farmers in Germany, not one obtained a thing. Accordingly, tremendous bitterness arose among the peasant class on the subject of the Osthilfe.<br /><br />Von Oldenburg-Januschau himself received over 600,000 marks from the Osthilfe. When certain people hinted later that he had gotten so much because of his initiative in the matter of the Neudeck gift, others pointed out that when a person bears the name von Oldenburg-Januschau he needs no further argument to get a heavy slice of the cake.<br /><br />The distribution of funds was in the hands of Junker officials. Investment of the money was carried out by a so-called "guarantee procedure" (Sicherungsverfabren) directed by trustees appointed for this purpose. All the trustees were Junkers who in their turn were profiting by the refinancing of their own properties. Thus neighbors superintended each other, and made mutual grants of large sums.<br /><br />One of the duties of the trustees was supposed to be to verify that the money granted under the title "debt repayment" actually went to creditors. However, creditors found themselves generally deprived of the greater part of their equity, with very small hope of ever seeing their money.<br /><br />Some big Junker landowners were refinanced as many as four times, each time declaring their estates bankrupt in order to rid themselves of all indebtedness. Frequently this did not prevent their having money on the side, invested in prosperous businesses. Others continued their reckless spending in accordance with the old Junker custom. When refinancing was no longer possible in their own names they transferred their estates to the names of members of their families, frequently minors, and the same game went on ad infinitum.<br /><br />The development of semi-military organizations gained new intensity with the aid of this manna from Heaven distributed by the Osthilfe. A deputy speaking of these abuses before the Prussian Parliament said:<br /><br />"The concealment and feeding of SA groups, of Stahlhelm troops and similar organizations, showy festivities on the occasion of Nazi and Deutsch-national electoral successes, excessive personal expenditures and other similar things could continue on a wide scale everywhere because of the good offices of the 'guarantee procedure."'<br /><br />Throughout Germany people began to whisper at first, then to talk more openly of the "Osthilfe scandal." The names of Hindenburg and his son were frequently mentioned in this connection, and it was said that being on friendly terms with the Colonel was sufficient to obtain ample sums from the Osthilfe. Olden, Hindenburg's biographer, says:<br /><br />"A great number of Hindenburg's neighbors or people from the same social group as he-friends, or friends of friends-directly contacted the President or his son. All old Prussia came to new life. What counted was whether you belonged to the same Regiment, to the same student fraternity, from what period your family had lived in a certain neighborhood, whose cousin or in-law one was. . . . Friend-ships and cliques looked for and found their way into the Palace of the President of the Reich. Junkers managed to be recommended to the source whence the flow came. The land- lords from east of the Elbe [i.e., the Junkers] had always—at all periods of their history—been insatiable. They hurled themselves gluttonously upon the overflowing abundance."<br /><br />The Osthilfe scandal, and later that of Neudeck, hovered in the background of the history of the governments preceding the Hitler regime. The Catholic Centrum party and the Socialists stirred up the scandal, cautiously at first, then with more courage. This created great uneasiness among the Junker class. But even the Nazis, directly or indirectly, made revelations concerning these matters in order to keep attention focused on them. It was because of the continual pressure thus exerted on the Junker class and Hindenburg that the Nazis were finally able to seize power and maintain their position with Junker support.<br /><br />A Paralyzed Parliament<br /><br />From March, 1930, until May, 1932, Dr. Heinrich Bruerang was Chancellor of the Reich. He came from the movement of Christian labor syndicates, was a devout Catholic and member of the Centruin party. In principle he was opposed to the Junker class, as was his party. Actually, he could stay in power only so long as he tolerated their abuses and resigned himself to act, in spite of his better feelings, in accordance with Junker schemes. He had to yield office as soon as he tried to prove himself independent of them.<br /><br />When Bruening took office the democratic parties of Germany had already lost all initiative. The Felime, faithful tool of the Prusso-Teutonic class, had suppressed the most enterprising democratic leaders and intimidated the rest. This had brought about sterility in parliament. The democratic parties, dispossessed- and without true leaders, could do no constructive work, opposed as they were by an extremely active and Machiavellian Nazi minority. This was all the Junkers could ask. They had succeeded in suppressing their most dangerous opponents. If parliament (which they detested, though they had been forced to tolerate it from Bismarck's time on) now wound up by making a fool of itself and becoming paralyzed, nothing could give them greater delight.<br /><br />Bruening, not knowing how to govern with an impotent Reichstag, resigned himself to using an expedient which he was able to devise in accordance with provisions of the Weimar constitution. He decided to introduce a system of decree-laws, i.e., decrees which had the force of law and depended merely on the signature of the President of the Republic. True, he was obliged to submit these decree-laws later for approval of the Reichstag, but if this approval should be refused he could immediately dismiss the Reichstag by using a decree of dissolution signed in advance by the President. Comparative parliamentary stability lasted, therefore, only under permanent threat of such dissolution.<br /><br />President Hindenburg thus became the source of all power. He had already become accustomed to giving orders to politicians who had access to him, treating the Chancellor and members of the government the way a commander-in-chief treats his staff officers in time of war. So great was the respect which this military chief inspired in the Germans that no one found anything amiss. From now on his power became still more absolute. But Hindenburg in turn was under the influence of the Junkers, especially since the deed of gift to Neudeck. Oscar von Hindenburg received daily orders from the Reichs-Landbund and the Herrenklub and continually whispered them to his father. So the Junkers' meddling with the government became quite direct.<br /><br />Bruening at first tolerated the abuses of the Osthilfe. He had, moreover, a still greater merit in the eyes of the PrussoTeutonics, for it was he who, in July, 193 1, introduced "control" of the mark, which separated the destiny of German currency and German economy from the rest of the world.<br /><br />A Financial Wizard Enters the Game<br /><br />Before 1923 the mark had passed through a period of acute inflation due to the effects of defeat. In 1924 Dr. Schacht replaced the German unit of currency, almost completely devaluated, by the "Reichsmark," based on gold. The Reichsmark circulated freely and became a choice international coin. Dr. Schacht had succeeded in making the world believe that henceforth Germany had decided to participate in international exchange and become an integral part of world commerce based on gold and free competition. The world's greatest financial institutions then offered Germany credit and her empty coffers were quickly filled. But the PrussoTeutonics had not given up the plans of List. They figured that they could derive no advantage from the prosperity which Germany would achieve as a result of intensified international trade. The good fortune to which they aspired was of an entirely different sort. For them it was essential to become isolated from the rest of the world and avail themselves of the sufferings and prejudices excited by that isolation to get the country started on the path to conquest.<br /><br />In recalling to mind the theories of List we have already briefly indicated the role played in their execution by Dr. Schacht. The remarkable rise of Schacht is worth considering.<br /><br />Hjalmar Schacht was born in 1877. His father had returned to Germany from America only the year before Hjalmar's birth. The Schachts were a family from the frontiers of Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark, who had, after annexation of Schleswig-Holstein by Bismarck, received German citizenship. But the Schachts had a leaning toward Denmark, and the occupation of their country by the Prussians was, for several members of the family, a reason for emigrating to America. Hjalmar's father was one of these. In the United States he acquired American citizenship and steeped himself in American democratic ideas. But reverses forced him to come back to Europe, and in 1876 he accepted a position as accountant in Germany. For this reason his son was born on German soil. He named him Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht. Hjalmar to recall his Danish origin and Horace Greeley to show his admiration for the great American journalist and for American ideals in general.<br /><br />We have seen that List, creator of the economic doctrines of the Prussian school, had been an American citizen. It is a curious fact that Schacht, who was primarily responsible for putting these ideas into practice in modern times, was also of American background. This background unfortunately tended to inspire confidence in Dr. Schacht among American and English bankers, and made easy the successful and conspicuous part he was to play in Anglo-Saxon financial circles.<br /><br />Schacht started his career as a financial journalist. He was next employed as financial expert in one of the largest German banks, the Dresdner Bank. During World War I he was assigned to the army to help organize the economic occupation of Belgium. After two years he was recalled to Germany, because he had been accused of having used his official authority to the advantage of his own bank in transactions involving occupation currency. In the course of his career he was frequently taunted about this "Belgian affair" by political adversaries.<br /><br />After the war we find Schacht at the Dannstaedter Bank, another of the three largest German banks. Jacob Goldschmidt, head of the Darmstaedter—who was at that time in the vanguard of the speculation brought about by the wild inflation of the mark-had recognized in Schacht a pliant and subservient henchman.<br /><br />Goldschmidt was the man responsible for the rise of Schacht, for it was on his advice that the German government put Schacht in charge of the Reichsbank. His mission there was to bring to an end that astronomical inflation, after it had impoverished the entire middle class of Germany, to the enrichment of a few big speculators.<br /><br />The stabilization of the mark was accomplished by October 11, 1924. Dr. Schacht received all the credit for the work, although various experts had paved the way. In any case, he did have the knack of creating in Germany and abroad the psychological atmosphere necessary for a successful stabilization. He effectively spread the belief throughout the world that the mark was now definitely on a gold basis and that Germany in the future would honorably participate in world exchange based on free trade.<br /><br />No one doubted that these intentions were sincere, for they felt that Germany had everything to gain by taking such a course. Indeed, they thought that by playing the game of free competition, German industrialists and merchants, whose abilities were unquestionably first-class, would have every chance of securing a high place on the world's economic roll.<br /><br />A Most Unorthodox Financial Plan<br /><br />Reasoning thus, international financial experts failed to recognize one thing: that in the administration of Germany's affairs under the direction of the Prussian clique, what one might call "the German national interest" had but small influence. It was the special interest alone of a restricted group, directing the affairs of Germany from behind the scenes, which decided what course was to be taken. Or rather, what that group, because of its "robber baron" spirit believed to be its interest. For that group, the job in mind had to be done in several stages. This was accomplished as follows:<br /><br />1. The purpose of the first period, inflation, was to permit the looting of the entire German middle class. This was accomplished to the advantage of the Junker class which was able to make money by the tremendous rise in prices, due to scarcity of agricultural products;* and also to the advantage of bankers and big industrialists speculating directly on inflation, like Stinnes, Thyssen, and Krupp. These men succeeded, during this period, in buying up tremendous quantities of industrial properties with borrowed money which they were able to repay easily after the currency was devaluated.[ * When inflation reached astronomical proportions and this advantage of the Junkers became illusory, they then agreed that stabilization should take place at once.]<br /><br />2. After October 11, 1924, the next step was to encourage the inflow of foreign money under the guise of long and short term credits. Without these fresh funds there would indeed have been nothing left to pick from German pockets. The small German merchants and manufacturers had lost all their reserves during inflation. It was therefore essential, above all, to inspire confidence throughout the world regarding the mark, so that foreign credits would begin flowing in heavily. Sums amounting to from twenty to thirty billion marks were thus lent to German business in the period between 1925 and 1930.<br /><br />3. During the years 1929-1930 the direction of this operation was reversed. There was more and more talk of the heavy burdens borne by Germany after payment of reparations. In reality, these payments amounted to scarcely ten billion marks. The peace treaty did not, on the country's balance sheet, represent much of a burden, because of the re-entry of gold as foreign investment worth twenty to thirty billions during the same period.<br /><br />German financial and governmental circles, painting the country's situation in darker and darker colors, artificially created a panic. This produced, in German and foreign financial circles, a "flight from the mark."<br /><br />From the middle of 1930 to July 1931, about two or three billion marks poured out of Germany. Finally, on July 13, 193 1, under Bruening's administration, the financial authorities of Germany took advantage of the climax of the panic they themselves had provoked, to have the government declare a moratorium on internal and external debt payments, and they instituted "control of exchange" on a permanent basis.<br /><br />This control of exchange again took Germany off the gold standard. Its first result was to make impossible repayment of credits which had been accorded to German economy. All short term credits became automatically long term ones, or rather, credits of "indefinite term," i.e., frozen credits. The same performance which allowed the spoliation of the whole Gerinan middle class during the period before 1924 now took place at the expense of financial interests the world over.<br /><br />4. The introduction of control of exchange on July 13, 1931, represented complete seizure by the State-and by groups hiding behind the State-of all export and import business. All foreign currencies accruing from export must now be yielded to the State. All importing not deemed useful to the interests of the State was forbidden. Officials whose decisions were not subject to parliamentary control ran everything, and behind them was still the same influential crowd. Import of products useful to the public at large was considerably slowed up, with preference given to entry of raw materials needed for making armaments.<br /><br />Heavy industry grew increasingly prosperous. Private business suffered and prices of commodities doubled. Misery sprang up again among the middle and poorer classes of the population. The "masters of Germany" were satisfied with the execution of their plan. Misery and discontent of the people were excellent arguments for ultimately compromising the parliamentary system which they so hated. In addition, the same arguments were invoked to excite the German people against France and England. This promoted psychological conditions favorable for the rearmament program, and prepared the way for the foreign conquest long anticipated by the Prusso-Teutonics.<br /><br />5. Properly speaking, conquest—and the attempt at economic domination of world markets which it implies-may be considered the fifth phase of the same program.<br /><br />Dr. Schacht Prepares the Panic<br /><br />Following the stabilization of the mark, Dr. Schacht was responsible, either directly or by his action behind the scenes, for the execution of the entire financial scheme described. When, in 1924, he had brought about stabilization he was acting in full accord with the Prusso-Teutonic class and the financial circles of Germany. The tactics corresponded perfectly with what they wished.<br /><br />Only the Nazis, with their customary violence, criticized the stabilization. At that time their interests were not yet identical with those of the Prusso-Teutonics. They acted as free-lances, sitting in many anterooms. They did have some connections with the Prussian clique, but had not yet placed themselves totally at their service. The aim they pursued above all else was to capitalize on the discontent of the people to raise themselves, by demagogic means, to power. Therefore they were fierce opponents of a measure such as stabilization which might eliminate one of the main causes of discontent. The advantages which Prusso-Teutonic circles hoped to gain -foreign loans destined to fill the empty cash boxes-did not interest them at all, for they had nothing to gain thereby.<br /><br />On June 22, 1925, the Nazi organ Voelkiscber Kurier attacked Dr. Schacht and called stabilization "the greatest swindle ever committed at the public's expense." Other Nazi newspapers said that Schacht was of Jewish origin and that his real name was "Hajim Schachd." Alfred Rosenberg took up this attack on Schacht in a work published in 1926 under the tide "Novemberkoepfe." These attacks did not bother Schacht much, for at that time the Nazis were not very powerful and he knew that he was under the protection of a much more influential group.<br /><br />During the period after the inflation Schacht tried to inspire the world with confidence in Germany. In his frequent talks with directors of other government banks he showed himself to be a conservative, cautious financier. At that period he conformed in every detail to the classic ideal of a great banker who could personally guarantee to the world the healthy condition of Germany's financial affairs, as well as the sound basis of world-wide investments in the mark.<br /><br />In 1929, when the coffers were almost filled, Schacht became bolder. Phase number two could give way to phase number three. On April 16, 1929, one of the regular conventions of national bank heads of various countries was held at the Hotel George V in Paris. As usual, the conference was to discuss the question of reparations, examining different financial aspects of the problem. Suddenly Dr. Schacht took the floor and began, to the surprise of his colleagues, introducing political factors into the discussion. He stated that Germany could not continue to make reparations payments unless she received in exchange the Polish corridor of Danzig, Uppd Silesia, and "a colonization spot somewhere in the world."<br /><br />Such talk surprised and shocked Dr. Schacht's colleagues utterly. What-this conservative financier who had made them believe all along that Germany was on the road to financial recovery, and who had during previous conferences argued only about financial difficulties of a technical naturewas he suddenly subordinating the financial relationship between his country and the rest of the world to political demands?<br /><br />The international bankers were quite familiar with these demands. They had been the favorite theme of a small group of German nationalists, including the Nazis. But in the past bankers had been made to believe that these groups had no influence, that the German Republic sincerely intended to respect its obligations, and that Dr. Schacht especially, as high master of German finance, cared only about stabilization of the international financial situation and the development of thriving trade. But now didn't it look as if he were borrowing the arguments of his country's extremists? Et tu mi fili Brute?<br /><br />The disappointment of the financiers was great. Moreau, Governor of the Bank of France, demanded that the conference be immediately closed. Finally it was agreed to diminish the shock by inviting Dr. Schacht to submit a written report. Political matters were not discussed further during the sessions following, and the bankers left the conference with a semblance of agreement on financial questions. But the warning had been a fierce one and had made its impression.<br /><br />Dr. Schacht now speeded up the steps to follow. Phase number three of the program was ending. In frequent interviews with his great friend, Montagu Norman, Governor of the Bank of England, Schacht brought out more and more plainly the internal difficulties of Germany. It was no longer a matter of inspiring confidence in the world, but of slowly and methodically preparing the way for panic which would sometime soon justify suspension of reparations payments and the freezing of foreign loans.<br /><br />Late in February, 1930, Owen Young received a cable from Schacht informing him of his intended resignation. Young felt it proper to forward this cable to the German Embassy in Washington. That was how Germany and the world at large learned the surprising news.<br /><br />The roundabout way Schacht chose for revealing his intentions is astonishing. Nevertheless, it was in line with Schacht's purpose. This direct communication to the American delegate was expected to disclose the disagreement supposedly existing between Schacht and the leaders of Germany. Thus he gave the world clearly to understand that he could no longer personally guarantee the stability of Germany's financial situation—which was the best means of hastening panic. Besides, by communicating directly with the American financial expert Schacht hoped to preserve for himself the sympathies of American bankers (those of London were already insured by reason of his friendship with Montagu Norman. Furthermore, it is not known whether he simultaneously sent a similar message to Norman which the latter had not felt obliged to divulge.) The impression Schacht gave was as if he had said, "I have done my best, prepare for the worst. After me, the deluge."<br /><br />On March 7, 1930, Schacht's resignation became official. The painful surgical intervention which had been planned as the end of phase three of the program-panic, moratorium and exchange control-approached. By retiring to private life in time, Schacht avoided all blame for the operation, in Germany as well as abroad. He knew that he could always come back later, washing his hands like Pontius Pilate.<br /><br />All this appears clear today in the light of subsequent events. At the time, everyone found the reasons for Schacht's departure somewhat mysterious. Writing on March 9, 1930, in the Vossische Zeitung of Berlin, the great publicist, Georg Bernhard, said: "No one knows the real reason for this resignation." Today we know it only too well.<br /><br />The departure of Schacht contributed greatly to the German capitalists' "flight from the mark." Large sums of money were invested abroad. Dr. Hans Luther, named by Bruening to replace Schacht at the head of the Reichsbank, did little to repair the damage. The die was cast and it was now simply<br /><br />a matter of regulating the rhythm and speed of the program. Finally, taking advantage of a heavy run on private banks, among which the Darmstaedter Bank (the bank Schacht came from) was the first, Bruening's government, on July 13, 193 1, decreed a bank moratorium and "control of exchange" which was to become permanent. Phase three of the program was finished and Germany now became financially isolated from the world.<br /><br />The Plight of "Poor Germany"<br /><br />The operation had so far been successful and the plan approached phase four without a hitch because nearly all the international financial interests had allowed themselves to be taken in by the touching "plight" of "poor Germany." Nevertheless, the Financial Chronicle of New York in its issue of July 18, 193 1, revealed clearly the German government's responsibility in this course of events.<br /><br />"The flight from the Mark that resulted in the present situation of Germany is due both to the demand for foreign currencies by fear-stricken Germans who recalled vividly their worthless holdings of German securities and currency eight years ago, and the withdrawals of their short term credits by foreign investors. The signal for the withdrawals was given, it must be remarked, by the German government itself. Chancellor Bruening and Foreign Minister Curtius advertised rather too well, during their visit to London in June, the precarious state of affairs produced in the Reich by the worldwide economic depression and the heavy reparations burden. Pleas then made, together with the German government decree imposing heavier taxes, started a unanimous export of capital which finally exceeded the capacities of the financial institutions of the Reich."<br /><br />In these events Bruening's responsibility is indisputable, but how far it went is not clear. The former Chancellor of the Reich, now living in the United States, has not seen fit, up to the present time, to give his version of the story of his years in power. Possibly he was not fully conscious of the role he was made to play by the Prusso-Teutonic clique, who remained masters of the situation under his regime also. But the extent of Bruening's personal responsibility is only relatively important. Certain it is that in tolerating, over a period of two years, the practices which prevailed in the distribution of Osthilfe funds, and in creating the financial isolation of Germany, he did render conspicuous service to the PrussoTeutonic class. Moreover, if it were not for this weakness, or blindness, or temporary compliance-whatever one chooses to call it—Bruening could not have kept himself in power for two years.<br /><br />The Totalitarian Plan<br /><br />Between the two world wars, Germany was thus the first country to destroy, on a large scale, the effect of the stabilization of her currency, and to break away from international free trade based on gold. It was she, therefore, who supplied the "evil inspiration," and within a few months several countries followed suit. The avalanche was let loose. Finally many countries adopted a kind of "control of exchange" which became, during the period before the war, the primary obstacle to international commerce.* [* The state of war added other obstacles such as transportation difficulties and prohibitions on exporting. In addition, during the war the few countries which were still allowing free export of currency finally adopted, almost without exception, a system of more or less strict control of exchange.]<br /><br />The control of exchange introduced by Germany was extremely strict. A veritable financial "wall of China" was built around the country. Without this seclusion, whose rules were established and perfected under a regime still bearing the title "Republic," Hitler's totalitarian scheme could not have functioned. The new measures were part of the Prusso-Teutonics' plan, and they had definitely decided that, from that time on, the country was headed in a totalitarian direction.<br /><br />At that moment it was probably not yet clear in the minds of the real masters of Germany who should be entrusted with the task of putting this totalitarian orientation into practice. Although Hitler was already a serious candidate for the enviable post of "sublime henchman," and was the protege of several persons of influence, the forces running Germany from behind the scenes still, in principle, had free choice. One may well imagine that they might have put someone else in charge of the execution of an absolutely identical plan, provided that they could have found one as well qualified as Hitler to dispatch the business. It was Hitler's good fortune that at the time no other man existed in Germany who had his peculiar qualifications to put into execution the Machiavellian plan of the Prusso-Teutonics. Von Papen, who was the only other serious candidate, was simply an amateur in comparison. He did not have the qualities required of a "good professional."<br /><br />The "Robber Baron" Concept<br /><br />After the advent of Nazism only the method of a "financial wall of China" could permit German economy to be placed practically on a war basis and to work for total national rearmament. (Secret rearmament in accordance with a definite plan had never ceased since the Armistice.) It was this financial arrangement which paved the way for Hitler's demagogic argument * that other nations were refusing Germany the raw materials she needed, and therefore she must conquer to get them. It was this argument that made it possible for Hitler to get his people to accept the harsh policy, "cannon instead of butter," and the sufferings of war. By virtue of the same argument he got people in certain foreign circles almost to excuse his policies because they bewailed the fate of "starving Germany."[ * If the Prusso-Teutonics had chosen another "henchman" he would have used the same argument.]<br /><br />We have already touched on this question, but one cannot insist too strongly on the fallacy of this line of reasoning. As long as she remained on the basis of a free financial system Germany could always have procured all the raw materials she needed. They were at her disposal in free markets throughout the world, and could be bought in a few seconds at any time by means of a simple cabled order. Countries much smaller—Belgium, for example, which was as industrialized as Germany—were also in the same position and never complained of a "dearth of raw materials" or of "lack of vital space." This dearth, this lack of vital space, was deliberately produced by a series of measures, the first of which was the introduction of control of exchange on July 13, 1931. Those who defend the German point of view try to prove that the financial panic provoked by the introduction of control of exchange was not brought about deliberately by the group ruling the affairs of Germany, and that consequently control of exchange was inevitable. The reverse is easy to prove, but even if we admit for a moment the correctness of this thesis, we must say that the solution by control of exchange as a permanent measure was the worst that could have been chosen. One may compare Germany in panic to a bank on which there is a run. Obviously, the doors must be closed for a time, but permanent closing, or opening subject to all sorts of restrictive and annoying rules imposed on patrons, would be the best way one could imagine to avoid entirely restoring normal life to the bank. One need not wonder why a bank choosing such methods goes to its ruin. The only solution by which one might hope to save a bank in straits would be to put persons in charge who inspire confidence, and start to function again by opening the cashiers' windows wide.<br /><br />Germany's seclusion from the normal economic world exchange was also in perfect harmony with what one would expect from "robber barons." Henceforth it was a matter of gaining possession of raw materials by force and consequently of the territories which produced them, even if it was possible to buy and pay for these materials with the product of one's labor, provided, of course, that one was inclined to supply such labor. Most people—and most nations—feel that this procedure is simpler, healthier and more satisfactory. The robber barons, and the powers governing Germany, felt (and still feel) exactly the opposite way.<br /><br />People committing acts considered dishonest under the law Dalways try to excuse these acts by saying that they have been obliged to act so because the society in which we live does not allow them to live otherwise. Just the same attitude was adopted by Germany from 1931 on; Hitler merely accentuated it by developing the theme of "vital space." But the plans providing for this attitude were established long before 1931 by the powers behind the German scene.<br /><br />Dr. Schacht Chooses Hitler<br /><br />In 1930, at the time of Schacht's resignation, the Prusso-Teutonic powers did not yet seem to have chosen Hitler as final executor of their schemes. The agitation which he had created in Germany had a certain utility for these aims; therefore they helped him when occasion offered but had not yet decided to entrust him with the "supreme task."<br /><br />If the combined Prusso-Teutonic powers had not yet made their choice, Schacht had made his. From 1930 on he was staking everything on Hitler.<br /><br />Known to the public as a man of democratic convictions, Schacht had in reality always been in close touch with the Prusso-Teutonics and in particular with the "heavy industry" wing of that group. He was no fool; he knew who wielded the real power in Germany. All his activity as head of the Reichsbank, the stabilization of the mark and his fruitful efforts to attract foreign capital, had been undertaken in perfect agreement with the Prusso-Teutonics.<br /><br />We have seen that at that time the Nazis were not in agreement with him, for they knew that stabilization and influx of foreign capital would bring order and prosperity back to the country. And nothing could have a less favorable effect on the success of their demagogic agitation than order and prosperity. No wonder, then, that they attacked Schacht's stabilization measures. Not yet admitted to the "inner councils," Hitler and his friends did not know that stabilization and the prosperity it was designed to bring about were to be of short duration, according to the intentions of the very ones who had decided on the introduction of these measures.<br /><br />Toward the end of his regime at the head of the Reichsbank Dr. Schacht contributed greatly to preparations for the panic which was to reach its climax in July, 1931, a year and four months after his return to private life. Attracting foreign capital no longer concerned the Prusso-Teutonics. Now they were occupied with achieving successively financial and economic autarchy in Germany and ultimately keeping the foreign capital which had been invested there. This pleased the Nazis better, since panic and privation resulting from autarchy would furnish a fertile field for their agitation. The points of contact therefore between Hitler and Schacht were quite obvious. Meetings between Schacht and Nazi leaders took place and after his departure from the Reichsbank Schacht saw Hitler personally. No Nazi again accused Schacht of being named Hajim Schachd. During March, 1930, the National Socialist deputy Feder was the only one to defend Schacht in the Reichstag while deputies of other parties attacked him for his "unmotivated" resignation which was bound to have a harmful effect upon Germany's financial prestige.<br /><br />Immediately after his retirement from office in 1930 Schacht procured subsidies for Hitler from his friends in heavy industry. About that time Schacht introduced Dr. Walter Funk to Hitler. Funk was to become head of economic affairs in Germany under the Hitler regime. Schacht had known Funk when the latter was a young economic journalist working chiefly for publications financed. by industrialists of the Ruhr. His presence close to Hitler represented a further guarantee to the industrialists that their plans would be faithfully executed by Hitler. Schacht and Funk had long conversations with Hitler on matters concerning the economic future of Germany, and explained List's ideas to him. In this way Hitler's economic training was shaped in a direction coinciding in every particular with Prusso-Teutonic conceptions and traditions. He understood the full meaning of List's economic thesis, which recommended rigid economic isolation from the rest of the world in order to have to conquer it by force. All the speeches made by Funk from the time he began to represent Germany in the economic sphere were obviously inspired by this thesis.<br /><br />In the fall of 1930 Schacht set out on a journey which took him through several countries: Denmark, Sweden, Switzerland and America. He went "as a private citizen" to visit his friends in banking circles. He was well received everywhere, for the halo of the stabilization still surrounded him. People did not realize that he was actually just as responsible for the recent deterioration of German finances which he had promoted from the wings. Schacht was still looked upon as a man of the Weimar Republic, a sincere democrat. Foreign bankers therefore wondered why during his trip he openly defended the Nazis and predicted a great future for them, using the Leitmotiv: "They are not as dangerous to big business as people say." On his return to Germany the National Socialist deputy von Reventlow made a speech in the Reichstag thanking the former President of the Reichsbank for having so well explained the Nazi point of view in the United States.<br /><br />In spite of the position taken openly by Schacht in favor of National Socialism, people were astonished when on March 17, 1933, he returned as head of the Reichsbank. Hitler had taken office only six weeks previously, on January 30. The Fuehrer had decided to allow free rein in financial matters to the man who had considerably aided his accession to power by winning confidence toward him of a section of the Prusso-Teutonic group as well as of German and foreign banking circles.<br /><br />Bruening's Blunder<br /><br />Bruening was much less "in the know" than either Schacht or Hitler. In spite of services he had consciously or unconsciously rendered the Prusso-Teutonics, Bruening was sacrificed by them in 1932. Indeed the Chancellor, though he had been obedient in the beginning to pressures to which he had been exposed, was naive enough toward the end of his term in office not to recognize the precise extent of influence exerted by the Prusso-Teutonics over the affairs of Germany. The misery of the peasant class had been aggravated as a consequence of the very measures which were enriching the Junkers. Bruening committed the tactical error of heeding his humanitarian feelings, a dangerous luxury for a German statesman. He had been moved by the peasants' misery, and to bring about a remedy had envisaged a plan of settling small farmers on land taken from poorly exploited large estates. This land would have to be condemned at prices to be determined.<br /><br />This Siedlungsplan, although quite modest in extent, alarmed the Junkers exceedingly. They began to conduct a campaign against Bruening, speaking of his "agrarian Bolshevism." Bruening aggravated his mistake in the eyes of the Prusso-Teutonics by retorting with a dangerous argument. To justify his plan he hinted that he would let the Osthilfe abuses be brought up again and he threatened to prosecute the people responsible for them. He ingenuously imagined that it would suffice to pronounce this threat in order to win the argument. Actually the argument was dynamite and caused an explosion. The stable Bruening regime which had lasted more than two years disappeared in a trice.<br /><br />Representatives of the Landbund and the Herrenklub had worked on Colonel von Hindenburg and he interceded with his father, only a few weeks after the Marshal-President's re-election in which Bruening had helped considerably. The Marshal felt a certain gratitude toward his Chancellor and was embarrassed to have to sacrifice him. But what could he do when Bruening had committed the blunder of definitely displeasing those Landbund gentlemen? And then had not Oscar remarked that if too much were said about the Osthilfe business, people would end up by wondering similarly about the circumstances under which the deed of gift to Neudeck had been made?<br /><br />Hindenburg called Bruening into his office and the interview ended with the latter's resignation. The Chancellor had been able to govern only with the aid of the famous "decrees of dissolution" of the Reichstag, signed in advance by the President. Since the Marshal no longer accorded him his confidence and refused to sign the necessary decrees from that time on, Bruening had to leave.<br /><br />Three men chiefly had contributed to Bruening's fall, three ambitious men who depended upon different sources of strength: von Papen, General Schleicher, and Hitler. They had thus succeeded in eliminating one rival who had been in their way. The problem now was for each to eliminate the other two.<br /><br />The Man of the Junkers<br /><br />Franz von Papen was the man of the Junkers, or at least, recognized their strength, intended to serve them faithfully, and derive thereby well deserved advantages. He was not a Junker himself, in the strict sense of the word, for he did not come from the eastern provinces. He was descended from a noble Westphalian family. His ancestors had participated in the terrible practices of the Fehme of Westphalia but were not part of the circle around the Teutonic Knights. Von Papen, a member of the Herrenklub, had nevertheless been accepted by the Junkers as one of them, and he conducted himself as a faithful executor of the Landbund's designs.<br /><br />Attache' of the German Embassy at Washington until 1916, von Papen had been responsible for numerous acts of sabotage carried out to obstruct American manufacture of armaments. He later joined detachments of the German army in Turkey and after the war became active in politics. A devout Catholic, he was at first a member of the Centrum party, the Catholic party par excellence. Then, having realized that the real power was in the hands of the Junker class, he swerved further and further away from the Centrum, whose platform opposed the Junkers', and applied himself exclusively to the promotion of Prussian policies.<br /><br />By reason of his Westphalian origin von Papen had close connections with the big industrialists of the Ruhr. He exerted himself therefore to strengthen the bonds long existing between Junkers and heavy industry. Not ignoring the influence which the Nazi movement appeared to be gaining in the wake of the Junker movement, he procured subsidies several times for Hitler from the industrialists. In these efforts he was later matched by Schacht. Each time, of course, he acted with the full approval of his masters, the Junkers. Finally recognizing the prestige surrounding Marshal von Hindenburg and taking account of the fact that as long as he was President of the Republic he would wield great authority, von Papen attached himself particularly to his person and acquired considerable influence over him.<br /><br />Von Papen's intrigues contributed greatly to Bruening's fall. Member of the Centrum party like Bruening, he should normally have formed a common front with him. Actually he set a trap for him. After getting him to talk privately about his plans for dividing land into lots, he hurried to report these conversations to the Herrenklub and to Hindenburg. He gave them to understand that Bruening was promoting a policy contrary to Junker interests and that it was necessary to get rid of him.<br /><br />The Man of the Reichswehr<br /><br />General Kurt von Schleicher was above all else a soldier and in his political attitude depended chiefly on the Reichswehr. He was also considered the more or less official delegate of the army in the political world. This was the role he intended faithfully to perform. He hid in the shadow of the different governments which succeeded each other-the ever alert watch-dog over the interests of that powerful organization, the Reichswehr. His mistake was to believe that the Reichswehr was a power in itself which could get along without every other power, including the Junker class.<br /><br />In spite of his Prussian origin Schleicher didn't like the idea that the Reichswehr had to receive orders from the Landbund, but at the outset he did not show his displeasure. To strengthen his position he sought allies outside the Reichswehr. He believed he had found them in the persons of Gregor Strasser and Captain Roehm, two men who represented, within the Nazi party, tendencies opposed to the Junkers.<br /><br />Schleicher figured that Rochm, who was at the head of the 600,000 men comprising the SA, and Gregor Strasser, who came immediately after Hitler in the Nazi hierarchy, would be the real future masters of the Nazi movement.<br /><br />Gregor Strasser was the sincere fanatic of the movement, a direct antithesis of the Machiavellian Hitler. Strasser still believed in the program represented by the name "National Socialist" and took a very censorious attitude toward the Prusso-Teutonics' hold on Germany's affairs. Gregor Strasser was, moreover, strongly influenced by his brother Otto on this subject. The latter, though clearly the more intelligent and discerning of the two brothers, did not have the prestige of Gregor because he was younger. Cognizant of Hitler's lack of sincerity and of his servile submission to the Prusso-Teutonic powers, Otto Strasser left the Nazi party in July, 1930. Gregor stayed because he imagined that with the great influence he wielded over the militant members of the party he would succeed in making his ideas triumph.<br /><br />Through Gregor Strasser, Schleicher hoped to secure the help of the Nazis and their parliamentary representatives who were very strong in the Reichstag. Roehm did not have the sincerity of Strasser. He was a simple adventurer, but, South German like Strasser, he disliked the strong influence of Prussian lords on German affairs.<br /><br />His cohorts of the SA struck terror everywhere. They were composed of hoodlums of every sort, including some elements from the Consul and Rossbach organizations. These had not been able to find other employment after dissolution of those organizations, and finding themselves abandoned by their former bosses, ended up by joining the first free gang willing to feed them.<br /><br />In spite of the presence of these elements on its roll, the SA, under Roehm's leadership, did not incline toward the Junkers. Roehm. figured that the Nazi party would soon be the sole force of importance in Germany. Since he was at its core with his 600,000 SA men he would wield the real power.<br /><br />Schleicher expected to use to advantage his identity of feeling with Strasser and Roehm on the subject of the Junkers. Certainly the Reichswehr was, to his mind, the really supreme power in Germany. But if he were to oppose the Junkers, the Nazis, especially if they were of the complexion of Gregor Strasser and Roehm, would be welcome allies. Consequently as a service to his newly acquired friends he violently opposed General Groener, War Minister in Bruening's cabinet, when Groener decided to dissolve the semimilitary organizations of the Nazis, including Roehm's SA.<br /><br />Groener usually acted as a man of politics rather than as a general. As for Schleicher, he knew that he could count on the full support of the Reichswehr even if there were conflict between himself and Groener. Moreover, the latter, who was not of noble birth, had always been considered by the other generals as an upstart plebeian. Schleicher now showed the generals clearly that the Nazis could be of great use to them and that the SA would end up by augmenting the Reichswehr troops. Their dissolution must be avoided at all costs. Schleicher and the Reichswehr were therefore in agreement with von Papen and the Junkers in the matter of getting rid of Bruening and Groener. This facilitated the abrupt dismissal of the Chancellor by Hindenburg, for the Marshal heeded the counsel of the Reichswehr.<br /><br />Von Papen and Hitler rubbed their hands. Thanks to the aid they had received from Schleicher, they had got rid of one of their rivals for power,<br /><br />Hitler Chooses His Masters<br /><br />Of the three people left in the poker game after Bruening was "cleaned out," Hitler was by far the best tactician and at the same time the most hypocritical and Machiavellian. Ever since the beginning of his career he had had but one goal: personal power. To achieve it he was always ready to make any concession or any compromise. He also knew exactly for whom to reserve these concessions and compromises, for he judged accurately the importance of powers opposing each other and figured that he should always ally himself with the strongest.<br /><br />Hitler knew that the democratic parties in Germany were completely paralyzed, at first as a consequence of acts of the Felime, and later because of the rise of his own party which had been effected with all the cunning of demagogism. and terror.<br /><br />There remained the Prusso-Teutonic group which controlled Germany's affairs to a greater and greater extent. Hitler realized that he must reckon with several divergent forces within this group.<br /><br />The Junker organizations, with their "professional" offshoot, the Landbund, and their "social" outgrowth, the Herrenklub appeared to be the most powerful. The bulk of the Junker class were interested only in maintaining their feudal privileges, but the secret Junker organizations, descended from the Society of Lizards, seemed to have kept alive the most fantastic, most ambitious Prussian expansion schemes.<br /><br />The big industrialists of Westphalia ran second. They had by this time definitely chosen their path of industrial expansion: the rearmament of Germany. Hugenberg, who controlled a powerful press and the "Deutschnazional" party in the Reichstag, was their agent. The industrialists felt inferior to the Junkers in the matter of secret organization. Their infiltration into the machinery of the State was not as complete as that of the Prussian lords. Nevertheless, they were superior in financial means.<br /><br />The third component of the Prusso-Teutonic group was the Reichswehr. Sprung from the same roots as the Junkers, joined to them by a thousand ties, and generously serving their interests, the Reichswehr still had an existence of its own, determined by its own professional ambition. Groener was an example of a general who had almost completely escaped the grasp of the external powers which controlled the Reichswehr. Schleicher, mouthpiece of the Reichswehr until 1933, at first had a meek attitude toward the Junkers, but later tried to save the army from their influence.<br /><br />These tendencies show that the army officers, proud of their professional knowledge, had at times an exaggerated opinion of the influence which their armed forces gave them in the internal political scheme, and did not always took favorably upon the role which the other elements of the PrussoTeutonic group made them play. In spite of this fancied independence, the Reichswehr on the whole was still an organic component of, and faithfully submissive to, the PrussoTeutonic group.<br /><br />The officials sprung from the old Prussian school, descendants direct or spiritual of "officials of the Order," did not form so coherent an entity as the Reichswehr, for example. They could be found scattered here and there throughout the machinery of administration. They could not be distinguished, on the surface, from officials of another type of a more modern and more democratic background. By now they could also be met-and this had been true for some time -well beyond Prussian frontiers, in other parts of Germany. Prussian centralization had functioned well in Germany since Bismarck's times: Prussian officials were sent all around the country and local officials were brought closer and closer to the Prusso-Teutonic type of thinking through the influence of the numerous patriotic and professional organizations under Prussian control. Not necessarily allied and related to the Junkers and officers, but sometimes merely coming from schools steeped in the old Prussian spirit, they were faithful servants, in most cases reaping the personal reward for their devotion. If they committed abuses, or closed their eyes to the abuses of others, this was always because of their devotion to what they thought-sometimes correctly, but often mistakenly—a higher German cause. Highly disciplined them selves, and disciplining others—therefore very intolerant—, highly conscious of what they called a "Prussian sense of duty," they may well be considered chiefly the victims of their traditions. They were victims as well of the dark intentions of the rest of the Prusso-Teutonic group.<br /><br />Characters of every background and description gravitated about the Prusso-Teutonic group, serving its interests and gaining advantages in exchange. Writers, university professors, bankers, etc., in large numbers, had realized that they could count on the success of Prusso-Teutonic plans and became their ardent propagandists.<br /><br />But all these folk were not an organized entity. Hitler, who sought only personal power, was therefore not in the least obliged to reckon with them as factors in the internal political scheme. Furthermore, for the same reasons he could also neglect the functionaries, in spite of their numerical importance. Hitler, who was a good judge during his entire career of the political importance of people and groups he encountered, knew that all these elements would follow him without hesitation, from the moment he succeeded in coming to terms with the three great contemporary branches of the PrussoTeutonic group: Junkers, industrialists, and Reichswehr.<br /><br />The Men Who Mattered<br /><br />In order to achieve such an arrangement, Hitler figured that he needed either to come to an agreement with the men in whom these three blocs placed their confidence, or else eliminate these men. The men who mattered were Schacht, Hugenberg, von Papen, and Schleicher.<br /><br />Schacht had influence over heavy industry and the banking circles which were behind this industry. Hitler knew, after his talks with Schacht in 1930, that he could thenceforth count on him unreservedly. Furthermore he himself had given Schacht and his friends absolute pledges regarding the execution of the financial and economic plan in which they were interested. Schacht had secured Hitler's promise that after he seized power Schacht would be allowed to return to the direction of the Reichsbank and would be able there to finish the job of financially isolating Germany from the rest of the world. Behind the wall of isolation, rearmament could be ceaselessly pushed and heavy industry would be generously supplied with orders.<br /><br />On Schacht's suggestion, Hitler was also willing to accept the service of that other faithful servant of the aims of heavy industry: Dr. Walter Funk. Schacht and Funk were to have, from then on, carte blanche in everything concerning the economic action of Nazism. (Goering later tried to eliminate Schacht, whom he considered a competitor in the economic field. Although GoerinLy himself had succeeded in establishing strong ties with the Prusso-Teutonic group, he could not get rid of Schacht completely because the latter right down to the present has been supported by big industry.)<br /><br />Hugenberg was the political and journalistic henchman of the industrialists. Hitler figured that he would be easy to satisfy. A post in the cabinet when Hitler succeeded to power, advantages granted his newspapers, would be sufficient to keep him quiet so that he could later be relegated to the background.<br /><br />Von Papen had as strong an influence over the Junkers as he had over the industrialists, and over the old Marshal as well. He had often played the role of liaison officer between all three and this had given him additional influence.<br /><br />Schleicher in his turn had the full confidence of the Reichswehr.<br /><br />Von Papen and Schleicher were therefore, in the eyes of Hitler, the two men with whom he must first reckon if he wished to prepare for his advent to power. He used his formula in connection with them first of all: either come to an agreement with them, or eliminate them.<br /><br />To come to an agreement with both at once seemed to him impossible. The possible grounds for understanding were different in each case.<br /><br />Von Papen, with whom Hitler maintained a close personal relationship, seemed entirely devoted to the feudal interests of the Junkers. On the other hand, Schleicher became more and more critical of these feudal tendencies and maintained relations with the anti-Junker wing of Hitler's own party: Strasser and Roehm. Hitler was kept informed of talks between his lieutenants and Schleicher, and Gregor Strasser tried to persuade him to ally himself definitely with Schleicher. He had to make his choice.<br /><br />Weighing the power and influence of each, Hitler arrived at the conclusion that the Junkers were the most important force within the Prusso-Teutonic group. Next came heavy industry. These two forces, furthermore, got along quite well, and von Papen was the man of both. He must therefore treat him with respect.<br /><br />Schleicher was the man of the Reichswehr, and the Reichswehr itself only executed the commands of the two other groups; therefore it was a less important force. Hitler's choice was made: he chose, as usual, the stronger. He could get rid of Schleicher without risk if he were supported by von Papen and the powers behind him. The operation he had in mind was not so simple as it sounded. It was a matter of discarding Schleicher and molding von Papen to his wishes. To succeed in this he knew of an infallible method: to set the two men against each other and make them do the job he had in mind. After the fall of Bruening von Papen was a logical candidate for the office of Chancellor. If Hitler could succeed in getting von Papen overthrown through the good offices of Schleicher, and Schleicher later overthrown through the aid of von Papen, the trick would be turned and Hitler himself could succeed to power.<br /><br />By instigating this double action without bringing himself into the picture, Hitler foresaw the advantage of having both men find themselves in direct opposition to each other without getting himself involved. This was the classical system so frequently applied in Prussian history when competing nations were divided by getting each to believe the Prussians were on their side. Thus Bismarck succeeded in dividing and isolating Denmark from Austria on the one hand, and Austria from France on the other. The same Prussian system was to be used later by Hitler in the international game when he tried to make the nations allied against him believe-one after the other-that he intended to ally himself with that nation against the others.<br /><br />Hitler used this system successfully in 1939 when he managed to separate Russia from England; and in 1940 when he made the France of Petain believe that Nazi Germany could be a more valuable ally for France than England. And it was this same system that Hitler tried to apply in 1941, this time without success, when he attempted to persuade England and Russia alternately to conclude a separate peace with him so that he could later turn against the other. The game was becoming too transparent for him to succeed every time. But it's true also that the time-honored systems of "confidence men," though often exposed, nevertheless continue to claim new victims.<br /><br />A further parallel may be drawn between Hitler's actions in inner German politics and the methods he employs in dealing with foreign nations. To weaken his enemy, internal or external, his preferred method is to use the enemy's "minorities"—whom he wins over to his side-to his own advantage; at the same time his own minorities also serve his purposes.<br /><br />Notwithstanding the traditional fidelity of the Reichswehr toward the Junkers, he knew how to set General Schleicher against the Junkers without putting himself in evidence. He thus succeeded in causing a division among his victims, using the "minority" in the opposing camp, while his own "minorities," Gregor Strasser and Roehm, were, due to their influence on Schleicher, unconscious tools of this transaction. Likewise, Hitler managed to put to good use foreign connections of a man such as Abetz, known earlier for his pacifist activities. Abetz was to bring him several French "leftist collaborationists," jean Luchaire for example, who had formerly worked hard in behalf of the League of Nations. Hitler knows how to transform former opponents of his ideas into useful tools.<br /></div><br />pps. 154-196<br /><br />==cont==<br />Peace,<br />K<div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-114193824292066071?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1141914756238342902006-03-09T06:32:00.000-08:002006-03-09T06:50:11.813-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/78_4_01.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/400/78_4_01.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">[3] <span style="font-size:100%;">The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</span></a><br /><span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;font-size:130%;" ><br />The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</span><br />Paul Winkler<br />Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943<br />New York<br />381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print<br /><br />CHAPTER IV<br />THE FEHME MURDERS<br /><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">THE DEFEAT OF 1918 wrought considerable changes in the political organization of Germany. The monarchic system having borne the entire blame for the debacle, the German people now carried through their democratic revolt. The Hohenzollerns were banished and the Republic was set up.<br /><br />The Prusso-Teutonic caste, composed of Junkers, officers and officials, had been well served by the Hohenzollerns. First they brought about the secularization of the Order's State and later, on the initiative of Bismarck, achieved complete Prusso-Teutonic seizure of the whole of Germany. The HohenzolIerns retained the confidence of this caste until 1918. But when the World War ended in defeat for Germany, the Hohenzollern family became a most convenient scapegoat. A few individual members of the Prusso-Teutonic caste continued sentimental relations with Wilhelm II. For the group as a whole, however, the Emperor no longer existed, since to disciples of the cruel Teutonic philosophy any defeat is tantamount to suicide.<br /><br />Germany seemed to be passing through the same transformation which both America and France had experienced almost a century and a half before. The Rightist parties, whose popularity had greatly declined in the course of these events, could not muster enough strength to oppose this political development. But the Prusso-Teutonic forces, accustomed to working in obscurity and to preparing their positions long in advance, did not feel vanquished by all this. To them the defeat represented a temporary setback to the execution of their plans.<br /><br />Sacrifice of the Hohenzollerns seemed to appease the wrath of the world; so that the Prusso-Teutonic clique was able to reorganize its forces quietly and prepare to resume control of the affairs of Germany. It was concerned, first of all, with terrorizing those unfortunates who had had, after the defeat of 1918, the unhappy idea of introducing a democratic regime and spirit into Germany. It was also necessary to eliminate the leaders of the democratic parties.<br /><br />To gain time it would be necessary to hold friendly relations with England for a while and in the meantime to prepare for other conquests. But for many years the Prusso-Teutonic forces could pay no attention to foreign politics because internal political problems in Germany more urgently demanded solutions, and these had to be worked out methodically.<br /><br />Could the Rightist parties, many of whose members were faithful servants of the Prusso-Teutonic forces, no longer be useful in the Reichstag, as in Bismarck's time? Granted-but what difference would this make? The Prusso-Teutonics did not intend to bother with the Reichstag—they would use methods completely opposite to those of parliament. Moreover, methods of this type would be closer to the traditions of the Prusso-Teutonic group than would any parliamentary procedure. Bismarck himself had accepted the parliamentary system only after much hesitation and with a certain amount of resignation. He had found it a difficult task to get this system accepted by his Junket friends. These new methods, which at the same time were very old, called for terror through assassination.<br /><br />Familiar Memories<br /><br />The Prusso-Teutonic forces, never acting openly, had the ingenious idea of reviving and making use of a Germanic institution of the Middle Ages, the Fehme. The Felime was a sort of secret society which set itself up as a tribunal in all matters. Its members were at the same time judges and executors of decisions.<br /><br />In the three and a half years following the Armistice, from 1919 to June 24, 1922, the date of Rathenau's murder, some 354 political assassinations were perpetrated in Germany by the various "national revival" organizations. For only two of these crimes, the assassinations of Rathenau and Eisner, was any punishment meted out, and this was extremely light. Despite the fact that the various State police forces were officially republican organizations, usually they allowed the assassins to escape. In those cases, however, where the killers were actually arrested by overzealous officials, they were acquitted, or at best fined or condemned to imprisonment for a ridiculously small period on some silly ground, for example, the carrying of guns without a permit.<br /><br />Count Arco, who had assassinated Eisner, leader of the Bavarian Left, was sentenced to death in January, 1920, but his sentence was commuted to imprisonment for life. This actually consisted in his doing some vague farm work near the prison. Finally on April 13, 1924, his sentence was suspended and he was set free. Shortly thereafter he was appointed director of the "Sueddeutsche Lufthansa," a major aviation concern controlled by the Reich.<br /><br /> These assassinations occurred with a regularity that baffled the general public, and yet they seemed to be part of an organized plan. Soon people began to speak of the "Fehme" in connection with these crimes, comparing the assassinations with the "executions" of the notorious secret German tribunal of past centuries-which the recent crimes resembled in many respects. In 1920,1922,1924 and in 1931, the German writer, E. J. Gumbel, published works which attempted to expose the organizations responsible for these outrages, and to draw the attention of the German public to the criminal complicity of the judicial machinery of the Reich and the other authorities with the Fehme murderers. In his four books, Gumbel assem-bled considerable documentation concerning these postwar "executions." But his appeals and warnings were in vain, and the Fehme was able to continue its activities unhindered.<br /><br />Despite public belief to the contrary, Gumbel did not relate these crimes to the blood tribunal of the Middle Ages. He considered the word "Fehme" simply an expression well chosen by the murderers to point up the actual resemblance between the two institutions. We shall probably never know exactly what information was contained in the heavy file the Bavarian deputy, Karl Gareis,* had planned to present to the Bavarian Landtag concerning the political crimes of that time. A few days after he announced his intention of discussing the material he had assembled, he was shot to death in the street. The two men who participated in his assassination escaped and were never apprehended. In any case, we know this much: that Gareis had spoken of a "conspiracy going back a thousand years" which he intended to reveal. He must have been referring to one of the only two German organizations which stemmed from the Middle Ages: the Fehme and the Teutonic Order. [*See page 3.]<br /><br />The history of the Fehme tribunals was independent of that of the Teutonic Knights. The Order had always claimed that it did not have to submit to the jurisdiction of the terrible Fehme. But actually the frightful practices of the Fehme had widely penetrated among the Order's circles. Kotzebue related, in speaking of the Grand Master Winrich von Kniprode, that at his time many Comthurs (regional commanders) of the Order were members of the Fehme, and the Grand Master himself was suspected of being one of its leaders. "One morning, two Knights who were beyond reproach were found hanging from an oak tree outside Marienburg—marked by the Fehme," says Kotzebue. "The Grand Master was asked to prosecute the murderers. He did nothing. The others, enraged, again requested action from him, and now he declared in dead earnest: 'One should abstain from passing judgment on such things."'<br /><br />After the seventeenth century, the Felime was rarely heard from. Finally, people believed that the organization must have been dissolved, despite the fact that no laws or decrees suspending or condemning its practices had ever been promulgated. But whether or not the Fehme, as a regularly constituted organization, actually survived until 1918 is of but relative importance. In any event, its Middle Age practices were well remembered in the spoken traditions of many German families. When, following the Armistice of 1918, the Prussian Junker organizations decided to revive these bloody practices, they were well aware of the traditional streams that might be tapped in the interests of their cause. They used methods which evoked familiar memories throughout Germany.<br /><br />A Thousand-Year-Old Conspiracy<br /><br />What were these notorious traditions of the Fehme? They were founded on the old German law giving all "manorial lords" the right to judge freely over their serfs. This practice was maintained particularly in Westphalia. In a later, undetermined period * it gave rise to the secret tribunal of the "Holy Fehme"—a tribunal which meted out but a single kind of punishment, the death sentence. [* German historians have placed the origin of the Fchme at various times between the reign of Charlemagne and the fifteenth century.]<br /><br />The Felime originated from a pre-Christian, pagan moral conception, despite the fact that it claimed to be Christian. This institution served no more of a religious purpose than did the Teutonic Order, despite the religious facade which both organizations had found useful at their inception. (At the time of their foundation all institutions had to be Christian.) The Fehme represented a revolt of Teutonic law against prevailing Roman law, which latter was the basic code of the official German tribunals. The existence of the Fehme was known, but its operations were secret. It was subject to no authority except the Emperor's. The latter, at a time not clearly defined in German history, had delegated this authority to the Archbishop of Cologne who was head of the Fehme, at least nominally. Indeed the Fehme tribunal had among its principal official tasks the punishment of crimes against religion; but in practice its activity was entirely different.<br /><br />The Fehme soon became simply a means of terror against all individuals who might be in personal conflict with members of this powerful secret organization. The Christian appearance it assumed was but a cloak; and, moreover, in no other Christian country was there a similar organization. The Fehme was of purely German conception, and the morality underlying its judgments was a Teutonic morality in direct contradiction to the principles and customs of Christianity. In common with the Teutonic Order the Fehme affected Christian aims; yet beneath this disguise-so suitable to the times-it pursued ends which were purely Teutonic. The survival in Germany of the traditions of these two institutions based on pre-Christian morality—the Teutonic Order and the Fehme—provides the only satisfactory explanation for a series of contradictory phenomena by which Germany, in her recent history, has so frequently confused the people of western civilization.<br /><br />Fundamentally, therefore, we witness the clash of two opposing civilizations-and it was our fond illusion that one of these ceased to exist in the far distant past. This error comes from the fact that since the period of the Christianization of Germany, the civilization of the barbaric ages has been hidden beneath a Christian cloak and has survived there. In this manner it has succeeded in preserving its institutions for ends clearly opposed to those of Christianity.<br /><br />It is in facts such as these that one must seek the explanation of the "thousand-year-old conspiracy" which Deputy Gareis had dared to mention-thus sealing his own fate.<br /><br />The Red Earth<br /><br />The tribunals of the Middle Age Fehme operated in Westphalia, but they claimed jurisdictional power over all of Germany. Westphalian "Freigrafs" presided over the meetings of the Fehme. They said that their families had received this privilege from Charlemagne, and that they had to hold sessions exclusively on Westphalian soil. In the characteristically symbolic language of all Middle Ages secret associations, Westphalian soil was designated as "Die rote Erde" (the Red Earth)—(an expression associated perhaps with the blood spilled in the course of Fehme judgments) 'and it was stated that the tribunal of the Felime was always to hold court on "Red Earth." (It is interesting to note that one of the most influential Nazi newspapers, published in Westphalia, is called Die Rote Erde.)<br /><br />In the course of judgment, the Freigraf was assisted by the Freischoeffen (jurors). It was under the name "Freischocffe" that each Felime member was known. All Fehme members were therefore qualified to participate in judgment. But the Freischoeffen were not only judges or jurors; they were hangmen as well. In effect they were charged with executing judgments pronounced by themselves or by other Freischoeffcn.<br /><br />At one time it was estimated that there were over 100,000 Freischoeffen in all of Germany. Actually, while the Felime tribunal functioned only in Westphalia, the Freischoeffen, who were its police and executionary organs, were present everywhere, scattered throughout the various German countries. The Freischoeffcn kept their functions absolutely secret, identifying each other by secret signs. But even if they were not recognized by the average citizens, everyone knew that they managed to lay hands on their victims. Wherever they might be hiding. Its occult aspect contributed largely to increasing the terror which the Felime inspired over all of Germany.<br /><br />There were a great number of Felune tribunals in Westphalia. Generally they held sessions on some elevated spot beneath an old tree-preferably a linden. The Freigraf and his Freischoeffen sat there before a large table on which was placed an unsheathed sword and a rope. The plaintiff and the witnesses had to swear by the sword, while the rope was used for execution of sentence.<br /><br />If a complaint against someone was made by a Freischoeffe before a Felime tribunal (Freischoeffen alone were allowed to appear as plaintiffs before the Fehme) a summons was issued against the accused. The latter rarely responded to the summons since it was well known with what difficulty acquittal was obtained; and further that but one type of punishment was decreed by the Fehme—the death penalty.<br /><br />If the accused did not make an appearance, the plaintiff had the right to bring him in by force from any section of Germany, seizing him with the assistance of his "Eideshelfer" (sworn deputies), who were witnesses in support of the original complaint and who were, in addition, his deputies.<br /><br />Originally it seems that only two witnesses for the plaintiff were necessary, but later the number was raised to six. The defendant might try to clear himself by having his own Eideshelfer, or "witnesses of defense," sworn in greater number than the witnesses of accusation sworn in for the plaintiff. But the latter could neutralize such effect by increasing in turn the number of his own witnesses. The number of witnesses allowed to the defense and the prosecution was fixed by law as two, six, thirteen or twenty. If one party produced two witnesses, the other party had to produce not less than six in order to have a chance to win his case, since any other number would not be recognized by the court. In turn the opposing party had to produce thirteen witnesses, so that he might win at least a temporary advantage from the other side. His opponent, finally, in order to win his case, would have to produce twenty. If the plaintiff succeeded in presenting twenty Freischoeffen in support of his complaint, no defense witnesses in greater number were allowed and a death sentence was made mandatory.<br /><br />The witnesses had to swear to the effect that they knew the plaintiff well as an honest man and his word was good enough for them if he accused the defendant. On the other hand, witnesses for the defendant would swear that they knew him to be innocent. The plaintiffs and the defendants always had to swear in addition to their own witnesses. Consequently the total number of oaths administered was three and seven (numbers which appear frequently in the symbolism of the Middle Ages), or fourteen and twenty-one (multiples of seven). This all made for progressive "outbidding" in the number of witnesses. It was understood, however, that witnesses for either side had to be Freischoeffen. For one who was not himself an influential Freischoeffe it was obviously difficult to find sufficient numbers of other Freischoeffen prepared to swear on his behalf. Since the plaintiff was of necessity a Freischoeffe, the defendant, even if he was himself a member of the Felime and particularly if he was not, was already at a disadvantage when he presented himself before the tribunal.<br /><br />Where the defendant was present, the death sentence was carried out at once. The Freischoeffen, co-judges of the tribunal, seized the condemned man and hanged him from the nearest tree.<br /><br />If the accused deemed it prudent to stay away, or if the summons could not be served on him, the Freigraf, president of the tribunal, would call for a "heimliche Acht" or "secret session." Indeed it was considered important to keep the procedures secret, particularly in cases where the accused was absent. This was to prevent the condemned man from learning of the sentence, which would enable him to hide out in an effort to avoid execution. If, after convening in secret session, it was noticed that an outsider, a non-Freischoeffe, remained in the vicinity (every outsider was supposed to leave), the Freigraf would stand up, call the man, place the rope around the neck of the unfortunate fellow and have him hanged from the nearest tree by the Freischoeffen. Such action was taken even where the outsider did not realize that he might be trespassing.<br /><br />After having ascertained that the defendant had not appeared, the Freigraf had his name called out four times, and then asked if anyone were present to defend the accused. Next, the plaintiff swore to the truth of his accusation, and his witnesses in turn took an oath, declaring that they believed the plaintiff incapable of perjury. The proof was thus considered sufficient, and sentence was pronounced.<br /><br />The Knife in the Tree<br /><br />According to ancient law-books of the Felime, the Freigraf pronounced sentence in the following formula:<br /><br />"The defendant by the name of X: I hereby deprive him of peace and of the rights and liberties granted by Kaiser Charlemagne and approved by Pope Leo; and further attested, under oath by all princes, nobles, knights and vassals, freemen and Freischoeffen in Westphalia; and depose him and set him outside of all peace, all liberty and all rights, by virtue of the King's ban and malediction, abandoning him to the greatest misery and disgrace; and make him unworthy, outlawed, deprived of his seal, dishonorable, without peace and not entitled to share in the common law; and abduct him and 'verfehme' him [put him under the curse of the Fehmel according to the rules of the 'heimliche Acht' [secret tribunal]; and vow his neck to the rope and his corpse to the beasts and the birds of the air-to be eaten by them until nothing remains; and commit his soul to God in Heaven in His authority; and vacate his life and property; and his wife shall be widowed and his children orphans."<br /><br />Here is the procedure which followed, according to the prescriptions contained in the books of the Fehme:<br /><br />"The Freigraf shall take the rope which is braided from willow switches and throw it outside the tribunal, and then all Freischoeffen standing in presence of the tribunal shall spit, as though the outlaw were to be hanged within that very hour. Following this, the Freigraf shall command all Freigrafen and Freischoeffen, reminding them of their oaths and their honor as members of the 'heimliche Acht,' obliging them, the moment they have seized the outlaw, to hang him from the nearest tree, according to all their strength and might."<br /><br />The Freigraf now handed the plaintiff a document which by his seal confirmed the sentence, and in which all Fehme members were requested to lend him their support in the execution of sentence. The bearer of this document departed immediately in search of his victim, being careful not to mention his mission to anyone, with the exception of other Freischoeffen, lest the condemned be warned in time, and flee from punishment. Frequently the condemned lived in a part of Germany at some distance from Westphalia. This made no difference, since Freischoeffen were found everywhere, and it was the duty of each, were he so requested, to assist in the execution. He was first to look over the official sentence which bore the seal of the Freigraf; or if such document were lacking, it would suffice for three other Freischoeffen to swear before him that the individual being pursued had actually been outlawed by the Fehme. Having thus received the requested proof, he could not neglect his duty, even if the condemned were his best friend or his own brother.<br /><br />The execution was usually carried out by three or four Freischoeffen. They would seize the condemned, who in most cases was not, until that moment, aware of his having been sentenced by the Holy Fehme. Without further ado he was then hanged from the nearest tree. In order to make clear that this was no ordinary crime but an act of the Fehme, a knife was stuck into the tree. Where the condemned resisted, the Freischoeffen had the right to kill him in any manner possible. In such cases they would hang his cadaver-and, as usual, stick the knife into the tree.<br /><br />It happened from time to time that a Freischoeffe, having learned of the condemnation of one of his friends, would try to warn him discreetly so that he might escape, even though he knew that he thus risked his own life. The harmless words pronounced casually: "It's just as well to eat one's bread elsewhere than here," became a formula whose significance was understood by non-initiates. Such was the fear inspired by the Fehme over all Germany that if these words were addressed to any man—even if he were the most influential citizen in town—and if he understood their meaning, he would gather whatever possessions he could and overnight would become a vagabond, travelling under an assumed name, living the rest of his days far from his wife and children.<br /><br />If it became known that someone had been outlawed by the Fehme, no other individual would dare to help him, for by being seen in the company of someone sought by the Fehme he would be risking his life. The condemned man, abandoned by all, would hide where he could until he was finally discovered by the Fehme.<br /><br />The range of crimes coming under the jurisdiction of the Fehme was extremely wide. In line with contemporary thought, crimes against religion and the Ten Commandments are mentioned first, despite the fact that no evidence is found that the Fehme ever functioned as a religious tribunal. Following this are enumerated "all crimes against honor and law—treason, murder, robbery, perjury, defamation, rape, and abuse of power." The intentions of those who had originally assigned to the Fehme jurisdiction over these crimes were no doubt excellent, but in practice anyone coming in personal conflict with a member of the Fehme risked condemnation by the blood tribunal; for it was always simple to discover a "crime against honor" as a basis for accusation, and an influential Freischoeffe had no difficulty in finding others to present as witnesses, supporting his accusations.<br /><br />The Noose Around The Neck<br /><br />The slightest betrayal of Felime secrets by a Freischocffe was punished by death, and in such cases execution took place without a trial. On this subject we read the following in the Felime law-books:<br /><br />"If a Freischoeffe brings into the open the secrets and password of the 'secret tribunal' [ heimliche Acht] or tells outsiders anything of this, whether small or large portions, then he shall be seized without trial by the Freigraf and Freischoeffen who will tie his hands together before him, place a cloth over his eyes, throw him on his belly and rip his tongue from out of his throat; a three-strand rope is to be slipped around his neck and he shall be hanged seven feet higher than a condemned 'Verfehmt', outlawed criminal."<br /><br />Non-initiates who tried to discover the secrets of the Fehme, or who simply dared to glance at a Fehme document, were led before the tribunal and executed on the spot. Those books and archives of the Fehme which have survived until today carry a strict warning that anyone opening them who is not a Freischoeffe is subject to jurisdiction of the secret tribunal. The fear which such methods inspired was so great that even in the nineteenth century one could still find unopened Fehme documents in the German archives, their Fehme seals unbroken. They bear the inscription: "No one is allowed to read, or to have read to him this letter, unless he be a true Freischoeffe of the secret tribunal [der heimlichen beschlossenen Acht] of the Holy Roman Empire."<br /><br />The Freischoeffen were granted such broad powers that they could execute any man, even without trial before the tribunal, if three Freischoeffen saw the accused in the very act of committing a crime punishable by the Felime. Further, the confession of a crime was considered equivalent to its actually having been witnessed. Thus if someone boasted in the presence of several persons that he had committed any of the crimes under the jurisdiction of the Fehme, without realizing that at least three of such individuals were Freischoeffen, the latter were required—at the first opportunity they might find to do so without being discovered-to seize the man and hang him from the nearest tree. We can well imagine the number of abuses to which such methods gave rise.<br /><br />The terror spread by the Fehme proved at the same time to be its best recruiting agent. To be a member of the Fehme was considered insurance, at least to a certain extent, against being unjustly condemned by the secret tribunal. In effect, it was always easier for a Freischoeffe to defend himself than it was for an outsider. In the early days, when a Freischoeffe was accused he could clear his name by swearing his innocence. Later this advantage was withdrawn, and all defendants, regardless of their affiliation, had to present a sufficient number of witnesses in their defense. Yet obviously an influential Freischoeffe would much more easily find a great number of witnesses among his fellow Freischoeffen than would a nonmember of the Fehme.<br /><br />While in the early days, the Freigrafen had seen to it that only men of unimpeachable virtue were to be admitted to Fehme membership, at a later time men of doubtful moral character invaded the ranks of the Freischoeffen. The opportunity to do as one pleased was so appealing that all sorts of adventurers did everything in their power to become members of the Fehme. One can visualize the reign of terror which followed as a consequence, and the blackmail, abuse, and mean vengeance which it was possible to practice under the cloak of the Fehme. A man innocent of any crime would awaken to find a summons stuck to his door by some unknown person, calling for his appearance on a specific day before this or that tribunal of the Fehme. Such men knew that certain death awaited them there, and that they had better flee, or hide themselves as best they could. Another who had never been served by summons would one day unexpectedly be seized by three Freischoeffen, not aware that he had been condemned by the Fehme until he felt the noose around his neck.<br /><br />The Junkers and the Fehme<br /><br />This barbaric institution had terrorized Germany for centuries. One can imagine what services it could render to an unscrupulous group pursuing its own purposes and it was inevitable that such an institution should become the instrument for all sorts of private interests. When the Fehme returned to Germany following the 1918 Armistice, its reappearance was due to the initiative of two groups of interests, the Junkers and the leaders of heavy industry in Westphalia. In any event, every clue to the crimes of the revived Fehme uncovered by German tribunals or contemporary newspapers in their exposures led directly either to the Junkers or to heavy industry. Financing of the organizations responsible for the Fehmic crimes came from one or the other of these groups. A number of such crimes were committed on the very estates of the Junkers where numerous Fehme units were in hiding, available for Fehme activities. Moreover, the Prusso-Teutonic Junkers and officers seem to have been very directly involved in these crimes-to have been the immediate instigators. The role of the leaders of heavy industry was probably to finance such projects.<br /><br />This cooperation consolidated the strange alliance which had been established between two such different economic groups—Westphalian heavy industry and the Junkers—the existence of one based on the most modern industrial methods, of the other on the most backward exploitation.<br /><br />In a description of the Prusso-Teutonic group of today, one really must include the heads of these industries, together with the Junkers, officers and officials previously cited. At the time of the Teutonic Order, nothing comparable to heavy industry existed. Today this industry is a force with which the descendants of the Order must reckon. There may have been some economic friction between the two groups during the period after World War I, when there was rivalry in connection with tariffs on agricultural products and manufactured goods. This, however, disappeared completely when Germany in 193 1 established a system of absolute protectionism based on exchange control, which benefits equally both groups—big industrialists and landowners—at the expense of mercantile interests, small farmers and consumers. The warlike atmosphere dear to the Prusso-Teutonics is equally desirable to heavy industry, the logical supplier of munitions. (We shall draw no conclusions from the curious coincidence that the leaders of heavy industry in Germany are descendants of old Westphalian families. There is good reason to believe that in the Middle Ages their ancestors were members, perhaps even chiefs, of the Fehme movement, of Westphalian origin. In any case it is curious to note this fact concerning the alliance between the Junkers and heads of Westphalian heavy industry: these two groups are present-day descendants of men who participated in the two German institutions whose traditions most directly oppose Western civilization, the Teutonic Order and the Fehme.)<br /><br />The renewal of the Fehme seemed to rest with the Junkers whose secret "self-defense" societies stemmed in a direct line from the ancient Society of Lizards and indirectly from the Teutonic Order. These societies were in a position to make an immediate decision to revive the Fehme terror—which was indispensable to their aims-and then to organize it at once. Such a reign of terror would never have spread spontaneously, nor could it have resulted from the decision of a few members of the same caste on the spur of the moment.<br /><br />The principal aim was to execute, one by one, the leaders of the young German Republic. Almost overnight the numerous sub-organizations, functioning under various names, became executors of the restored Fehme. Through their good offices hundreds of democratic leaders were put to death in post-war Germany. In the democratic nations outside of Germany, no attention was paid to these murders because they were considered a German "internal affair."<br /><br />All Fehme assassinations after 1918 can be traced back to the same organizations. The two groups which were the executors par excellence of Fehmic crimes were the "C" Organization (Consul) and the Rossbach Organization. All clues led to them. But the men active in both these organizations often figured as well in the activities of other societies or associations, all of which seemed to be pursuing the same ends and carrying out the same instructions. E. J. Gumbel, recognized specialist in the history of German political crimes after 1918, whom we have mentioned earlier, explains as follows the entanglement of interests existing among these various groups:<br /><br />"The official program as well as the name [of these organizations] changes in accordance with what seems politically the most appealing at the moment. The real tendency, however, remains the same. Therefore it would be wrong to assume that all these societies existed individually side by side. In many cases one rose from another, and societies with entirely different names might be identical. For the same individuals made it a practice to hold simultaneous membership in a whole list of associations.<br /><br />"The constant change of names often serves the purpose of veiling the complete structure of the organizations so as to make practically ineffective any dissolution by order of the government or under pressure of public opinion. The purpose of the founding of new societies under new names and with new members was often to exclude those individuals who were no longer considered completely trustworthy, without provoking the enmity of such individuals by specifically expelling them."<br /><br />The number of persons engaged in these activities cannot properly be estimated by adding up the members of the various existing associations, since there are numerous duplications in their lists. We can figure that at the most 200,000 individuals were active members of such organizations.<br /><br />Here are the names of some of the societies of this character which abounded at this epoch. They often assumed professional or athletic guises, but always pursued the same secret ends. (Certain associations mentioned in this list preferred to keep their very existence secret):<br /><br />Academic Werdandi Guild, General German Peoples Turriverein, Old Comrades (secret), Andreas-Hofer Bund, Arminius Bund, Arian Wandervogel, Bartelsbund, Bismarck Youth of the National German People's Party, German Veterans' Bund, Friends of Edda Bund, Bund of the Faithful, German Sailors Bund, New Pathfinders' Bund, German Wrestling Bund, German National Training Bund, German National Lawyers' Bund, Franconian Bund, Bund for German Rebirth, Bund for German Public Teachers, Christian German Revival, German Academic Guild of Nibelungen, German Oak, German Bund for Local Defense, German Women's Society of Ostmark, German Herold, German High School Circle, German Sailors, German Order, East German Bund, German Ostmark Society, German Employees' Bund, German Writing Bund, German Day, German Society for Rural Relief and Local Care, German Arms Bund, Society of German Faith, German Order's State, German Social Employment Society, German Social Party, German Pathfinders' Bund, German National Academic Society, Siegfried Youth of the German Peoples, German National Youth Bund, German National Writers' Bund, German National Students' Bund, German Economics Bund, German Wandervogel, Eros (secret), Brotherhood of Travellers, United Field Artillery, Pine Tree Society, Irminsul Boys' Society, Frontbund (secret), Germania, Germania Ring, Germanic Faith Society, Germanic Conscience Society, Germanic Youth Bund, Society of Friends of Conscience, Society of National Germanic Morality, Geusen, Grail Bund, Seekers of the Homeland, Germans' Bund, Germans' Order (secret), Hubertus, Youth Group of German Kyffhxuser Bund, Jungborn Bund, Young German Pathfinders' Bund, Young Teachers' Bund of Baldur, Young National Bund, Innklub, Small Arms Society (secret), Knappenschaft, Kronacher Bund, Kultur Council, Mitgart Bund, National Society of German Officers, New Gobineau Society, Non-Jewish Bund, Aid Society (secret), Patriotic Veterans' Relief Society, Black-White-Red Reichhund, Reichsbund of Former Cadets, Reichs Gegenzins Bund, Reichs Hammer Bund, Reichs Officers' Bund, Order of German Legion of Honor, Schlageter Memorial Bund, Silver Shield (secret), Signal Bell, Tejabund, Bund of German Artists of Bavaria, Bund for a Better Life, Theodor Koerner Turnverein, The Bold (secret), Prince Bismarck Youth Bund of the Fatherland, Society of Friends of German Art, German Students' Society, National Women's Group, National Wandervogel Bund.<br /><br />Through these societies the conspiracy secured useful associates in all circles of the population, but to these were revealed only small portions of the true aims. The real "acting agents" seemed to come from the Consul and Rossbach organizations, at least insofar as the actual assassinations were concerned.<br /><br />Army and Navy Assassins<br /><br />The assassins were all former officers, and in exceptional cases non-commissioned officers. When this curious fact was revealed in the course of the various trials and investigations concerning Fehme crimes in Germany, the public accepted without a murmur the too easy explanation that the war had lowered the moral standards of the combatants. In reality this state of affairs was due to nothing so simple, but to deeper causes: the Prussian officers, faithful members of the Prusso-Teutonic Caste were themselves obliged to take charge of these delicate tasks of the Fehme assassinations, since they were the only "men of arms" within the caste. In the traditional way of doing things, the other Junkers' role was to finance the various secret organizations with the aid of heavy industry and to provide them with hideouts on their estates; the officials who were devoted to the common cause were actively represented among the various police organizations, where they could help the assassins to escape, or if that proved impossible, to arrange, as prosecutors or judges, either their acquittal or their sentencing to an easy term. By 1918 Prusso-Teutonic affiliates could be found here and there among the officials of all German countries, even in places quite distant from Prussia. Since 1870 the Prussian spirit had had time to spread to a certain extent all over Germany.<br /><br />The "bloody task," the actual killing, was considered the privilege of the officers-the descendants of the ancient Knights of the Order. The C Organization consisted primarily of former naval officers, the Rossbach Organization of army officers. Had a regular air force existed at the time of the first World War, it is probable that a third organization would have been formed, to be staffed by officers formerly active in that branch of service.<br /><br />In 1920, the anti-Republic factions in Germany attempted a vague coup d'Etat, known as the "Kapp Putsch." Corvette Captain Ehrhardt participated in this together with his naval brigade. Ehrhardt had succeeded in keeping this brigade in existence after 1918. He kept it functioning as an illegal organization. Its financing came through unknown interests whose identity can easily be guessed. A writ of arrest was issued against him in 1920 by authorities of the Republic but it was never executed. While the writ was still in effect Ehrhardt moved freely about the corridors of the Reichswehr Ministry. The official purpose of his discussions in the Ministry was "to find employment for his men." His real purpose was to elaborate quietly a scheme for collaboration between the Reichswehr and the future organization he had decided to found by using the men of his brigade as a nucleus. Since direct action in the "Kapp Putsch" had not had satisfactory results, he planned from that time on to devote his efforts to under-cover action. The newly created "C Organization," or "Consul Organization," was named for Ehrhardt who was its leader: in the secret code of the association each member had a special name and Ehrhardt was called "Consul."<br /><br />Outstanding Germans often tried to fight the Consul Organization and the other secret associations, but in vain. On September 22, 1921, Dr. Trunk, President of the State of Baden, made the following revelations in the Diet of Baden concerning the by-laws and aims of the C Organization:<br /><br />"The by-laws call for:<br /><br />"(a) Spiritual aims: development and dissemination of national * thought; struggle against all anti-nationals and internationalists; struggle against Judaism, Social-Democracy and the radical left parties; struggle against the anti-nationally conceived Weimar Constitution by word, writing and action; enlightenment of the widest possible circles of the population as to the real nature of this Constitution; support of the only possible constitution for Germany, one based on Federalism.**<br />[* The word, "national," is used here as the antonym of "international." The German nationalistic circles considered the men behind the Weimar Constitution as 'internationalists" and they looked upon themselves as the only ones who thought in "national" terms.] [** So long -as the central power in Germany, following the events of 1918 rested in the hands of republican groups, the reactionary groups called themselves "Federalists." When, following the rise of Hitler, power fell into their hands, they were to become supporters of centralization to a much greater extent than even the republicans.]<br /><br />" (b) Material aims: Organization of men among the armed forces determined to prevent the complete revolutionizing of Germany; the prevention, through constitution of a national government, of the recurrence of present-day conditions; and, as far as possible, the preservation of armed forces as well as armaments for the nation.<br /><br />"The organization is a secret one, the members of which are bound for mutual defense and protection through a pact by which every member of the organization is assured of the utmost assistance from all other members. The members pledge themselves to become a force to be reckoned with, so that when necessity, the honor of the Fatherland, and the realization of their aims demand it, they shall stand in the united strength of their closed ranks. Every member pledges absolute obedience to the organization's leaders. Jews and in general men of foreign races are excluded from membership in the organization. Membership expires: (a) through death; (b) because of dishonorable activity; (c) because of disobedience to the leaders; (d) through voluntary withdrawal. All members involved under (b) and (c) and all traitors are to be disposed of by the Febme. The pledge of allegiance reads: 'I declare on my word of honor that I am of German descent. I pledge on my word of honor, and through a handclasp, that I will subject myself to the by-laws and will act in accordance with them. I vow absolute obedience to the highest Leader of the organization, and to observe utmost secrecy concerning all its affairs.' "<br /><br />During the trial in 1924, following the assassination of Rathenau, a zealous Reich prosecutor, Ebermayer, spoke as follows about the activities of the C Organization:<br /><br />"I believe it my duty to point out that during the time of the investigation of the case and even immediately before the trial, a certain number of facts were produced which permit us to suppose and almost to conclude that certain organizations and societies are hiding behind the accused—and I go further, that they have perhaps inspired their crimes. I must emphasize above all that in all political outrages of the last few years, in the assassination of Erzberger, in the outrages against Scheidemann and in the assassination of Rathenau, which concerns us here, the same circles—I might almost say the same individuals—have always been involved. In the assassination of Erzberger—Schulz and Tillessen play a role; in the attempt against the life of Scheidemann, the brother of Tillessen was active. Tillessen, Plaass, Fischer, Kern, Schulz, Techow—all these men are the same group. All have widespread personal contacts-either because they have known each other for a long time or because they are all members of the different organizations. Thus, whether or not it is to our liking, we gain the impression of running up against the links of a common chain-of a single association to which all these men are affiliated."<br /><br />During the trial, the C Organization was seldom mentioned by name. The fear which checked the witnesses, the prosecution and the judges in speaking of it was clearly evident. The presiding judge mentioned, however, that during the closed hearings which had been ordered, the relationship between the C Organization and the Reich Government was discussed.<br /><br />Everyone understood that in reality the matter of discussion was the relationship between the C Organization and the Reichswehr—this in reference to secret rearmament. The trial was conducted in such a way as to establish that the C Organization had rendered important "patriotic" services in the cause of secret rearmament and that under these conditions it would be preferable not to insist on denouncing the assassinations, which were not crimes but Fehmic executions. Finally all the accused were set free.<br /><br />It is illuminating that in the following year, during another trial, the same prosecutor, Ebermayer, referred to the C Organization in an entirely different manner. To his mind, now, the Organization was not carrying on "secret activity." It is true that it was struggling against the Weimar Constitution,, but it was doing so through "legal means." The intimidation of the Fehme had had its effect on the good prosecutor Ebermayer during the time between these two trials.<br /><br />It has been established that there was a close connection between the Consul Organization and a whole series of associations serving as its "front" from time to time: Brueder vom. Stein, Hauptverband der Schlesier, Bund der Aufrechten, Jungdeutscher Orden, Verband nationalgesinnter Soldaten, Nationalbund deutscher Offiziere, Bayrische Holzverwertungsgesellschaft, Norddeutscher Bund, a number of student societies and finally the Wikingbund (Viking Bund), an association which had some importance.<br /><br />In 1923, the Press Bureau of the Thuringian government characterized this Wikingbund as follows:<br /><br />"It appears that the National Association of German Soldiers, which was suppressed by law, has given rise to a substitute organization, the so-called Wikingbund, which at the same time functions as a branch of the Ehrhardt Brigade [Consul Organization]. Characteristic of the way in which ordinary members are deceived is the fact that, according to a declaration by a leader of the organization, no information<br /><br />is allowed to be given out to unimportant members as to the connection between the Wikingbund and the C Organization. The Wikingbund as the 'latest edition' of the Consul Organization operating in Thuringia, inclusive of Prussian provinces, has been divided into eleven district sections which are directed from the regional office in the city of Erfurt. According to statements of individuals involved it has come out that there also exists a Fehme within the organization. The duty of the Fehme is to preserve through the most rigorous methods the secret character of the organization and of its activities. Members who are suspected of being traitors or 'stool pigeons' are shot, according to various statements of people who have participated in such actions. In the well-known manner of such bunds the members have to swear 'life and death' obedience to their leaders. It has been further established, according to confessions of individuals who have been arrested, that one of the purposes of these organizations is also to put out of the way any leader or statesman Of the Republic who upsets their plans."<br /><br />The by-laws of the Wikingbund, drawn up in 1923, contain conclusive proof as to the connections of this Bund (and indirectly of the C Organization) with the National-Socialist Party. Among these by-laws is written:<br /><br />"The Bund is an association of industrious German men; it strives on a national basis, for a moral, cultural, economic and political rebirth of the German people. The leader of the Bund is its founder, who shall have absolute authority. Membership is open to anyone who is above reproach and who is of Aryan German descent. On entering the Bund, each new member must take the oath of allegiance to the leader and his aims, pledging himself irrevocably to obedience. Sentences must be executed by those chosen for this purpose by the leader. The political program is that of the National Socialist German Workers' Party.* The Bund is a militant patriotic organization." This is signed: "B. Reiter, Leader and Founder of the Wikingbund."[ * The italics are mine. P.W.]<br /><br /><br />A Job Well Done<br /><br />The C Organization as a unit, or its members, can be traced in most of the post-war assassinations of outstanding political personalities. In the regulations of the revived Fehme, where the "punishment of traitors" is mentioned, not only those who actually betray secrets of any of the organizations involved are intended. All who wanted Gennany to take the path of democracy were considered "traitors"—traitors because they opposed the direction desired by the Prusso-Teutonics, the only direction "worthy of a German"—according to the very particular understanding of this clique. Since they were traitors, they must be killed. . . . And as a result of this reasoning, the German democratic leaders were all disposed of, one by one. Of course the Fehme had even better reasons for acting promptly in cases such as that of the Bavarian Deputy Gareis in 1921, when Gareis threatened to expose the Fehme crimes and those responsible for them.<br /><br />It must be admitted that the methods applied were effective. By 1920 all the democratic parties had lost their leaders through assassination. Those who remained at the head of these parties were men who had neither power nor prominence—and they were terrorized. (It is thus not surprising that the German emigration which followed Hitler's accession to power has not yet been able to produce an able leader from among the German statesmen of the different democratic parties.)<br /><br />Thus the stage was set for the seizure of power by a group which would control Germany according to the desires of the Prusso-Teutonics and which would serve as a front to the latter. The Nazi Party, which was one of the candidates for this role, was mentioned more and more frequently. Less and less was said about the Felune crimes and the Consul Organization. Since the tasks entrusted to this organization had been finished the latter could now sink into oblivion.<br /><br />By 1930 we can find the men who had been Ehrhardt's trusted lieutenants occupying important posts in the Navy, in the Administrative offices of the Admiralty and in the General Staff of the Fleet. Werner Tillessen, one of the foremost "men of many tasks" in the Consul Organization, whose name, together with that of his brother, had figured frequently during the course of most of the trials involving Felime assassinations, was by then Vice-Admiral. Services rendered were well paid! When the officers had accomplished their tasks as Fehme assassins, they returned to the Army or the Navy-holding higher rank than before because of time passed in the performance of "duties of a special nature."<br /><br />The Black Reichswehr<br /><br />While the staff of the Consul Organization consisted of naval officers, that of the Rossbach Organization was composed of army officers. Both organizations worked hand and glove. No difficulties arose between them, and from time to time—they lent each other their strong-arm men. The absence of conflict between these two terrorist groups, which one might expect to find competing with one another, can easily be explained by the fact that both organizations were acting in separate spheres but on behalf of the same controlling interests.<br /><br />The C Organization was concerned primarily with disposing of major political figures—men in the public eye. The Rossbach Organization was dedicated to the execution of lesser lights, who might hinder the Junkers as well as the day-by-day work of secret rearmament. The C Organization functioned throughout Germany, and was particularly active in areas where a certain strengthening of the democratic parties. was noticed. The Rossbach Organization was more active in Prussia itself, looking after the local interests of the Junkers, on whose estates the units of the organization had been set up. Therefore the connections of the Rossbach Organization with the Junkers. were of necessity more apparent than those maintained with the same interests by the C Organization.<br /><br />The Rossbach Organization was founded in December, 1918, by Lieutenant Gerhard Rossbach of the 175th Infantry Regiment with the remnants of his regiment. He tried to keep together the men who rallied around him after the debacle by hiding them on the estates of the East-Prussian landlords. Out of this a few months-later Rossbach formed a "Sturintruppe" (assault troop), now admitting to membership officers and soldiers from all the armed forces. The Rossbach forces called themselves an "Arbeitsgemeinschaft" (work cooperative) to conceal the military character of their organization from the Armistice Commission. They were to be placed in small units on the estates of the Junkers where they would carry out their activities.<br /><br />The Junkers had decided -to hide on their estates the implements of war which the army was able to salvage after Germany's defeat. For the Prusso-Teutonics these were a. powerful trump, to be used in the future reconstruction of their forces. They had no doubts as to this. reconstruction, although they did not yet see clearly the exact form it would take.<br /><br />It is enlightening that the secret rearming, which was being carried on in defiance of the Armistice Commission, took place mainly on the very estates of the Junkers (i.e., in the only section of Germany controlled entirely by the Prusso-Teutonics). It is also interesting that all Junkers thus placed their lands at the disposal of the cause without a moment's hesitation; and that not one traitor was to be found among them who dared to oppose the shouldering of these obligations or to carry tales to the democratic parties. The reason for this lay in the strict secret organization of the Junkers. If this secret organization had not existed, a simple "community of interests," would certainly not have been enough to force decisions so rapidly and to insure secrecy and perfect synchronization of all actions.<br /><br />The only leakage which the Junkers had reason to fear might have come from their farm workers. The latter, of course, unlike the Junkers, were not bound by the secrecy of the Junker organizations. They were, further, in a position to know and reveal the spots where arms had been hidden. It was a question, then, of terrorizing these workers and impressing on them the fact that by talking too much they would be risking the wrath of the Fehme. The organization of this Fehme unit was the task of the various "work cooperatives" composed of ex-service men. Among these "cooperatives," the Rossbach Organization soon became outstanding by virtue of the initiative and ruthlessness of its leader.<br /><br />Collectively these secret units were known as the "Black Reichswehr." Indeed, their purpose was to keep together the staffs of the former army. These staffs could not remain in the official Reichswehr, which had been considerably reduced in accordance with the terms of the Armistice. A close liaison was maintained between the two Reichswehr. This was considerably facilitated by the fact that officers of both were serving the same cause and obeying the same orders.<br /><br />An Honorable Enterprise<br /><br />The Rossbach Organization established central offices in Berlin. It was from here that recruiting was carried on and that contact was maintained with leaders of the Rcichswehr. These offices themselves organized a front known as the "Deutsche Auskunftei" (German Information Bureau). The Deutsche Auskunftei was under the official direction of Lieutenant Rossbach, and one can imagine what was meant by the official description of the services rendered: "Investigations, Shadowing, Escorted Journeys." The prospectus of the bureau contained the following directions:<br /><br />DEUTSCHE AUSKUNFTEI<br /><br />Main Business Office: Berlin Wannsee, Otto W. Erichstrasse to; Open Day and Night. Telephone Warmsee 613 and 793<br /><br />Branch Office: Berlin W 62, Bayreutherstrasse 10—3rd floor. Business Hours: 10-4. Telephone Steinplatz 11663<br /><br />Agents and Representatives sent out on your request by phone<br /><br />Piivate automobile service from Berlin or Wannsee Terminal on request<br /><br />Cable Address: Deutsche Auskunft Wannsee<br /><br />Bank References: F. W. Krause & Co. Berlin W Behrenstrasse 2. Industrie und Landwirtschafts Bank Berlin, Markgrafenstrasse 35<br /><br />Criminal Division: Criminal Police Inspector Wilss (retired)<br /><br />Political Division: Executive Director-First Lieutenant Rossbach (retired)—Major von Berthold<br /><br />Information, Stock Exchange and Cashiers' Division: Director M. L. Eberhardt<br /><br />Guards and Protection Division: First Lieutenant D. H. Lukash (retired)<br /><br />Legal Department: Major Bartold (retired)—Kurt Oskar Bark, Editor<br /><br />Telephone Service connects with all departments.<br /><br />The German democratic press of that period tried in vain to unmask the Deutsche Auskunftei by demonstrating that all its resources were of Junker-Prussian origin; that it had been organized to provide those forces with strong-arm men -the so-called "detachments of guards" for their estates; and that it had been responsible for all Felime assassinations in Prussia east of the Elbe.<br /><br />If a Prussian landlord had the slightest difficulty with his farm workers, if he suspected them of wanting to organize a strike or of wishing to betray the rearmament activities, the "Rossbach volunteers" would show up immediately and attack the workers with clubs; they would not hesitate to kill those who might become too troublesome. All "volunteers" were armed with guns, knives and blackjacks. They were obedient to the strictest military discipline, going so far as to snap into "at attention" in the presence of their superior officers, although they were generally in mufti.<br /><br />Despite the name, "Work Cooperative," they were not concerned with any actual work. In a tight spot, however, the Rossbach volunteers were prepared to furnish large armed forces at almost a moment's notice.<br /><br />Petty Executions<br /><br />The responsibility of the Rossbach Organization for some of the assassinations was clearly established in the course of trials which also ended without any significant results. The democratic press conducted inquiries and made some interesting revelations. Gumbel tried very hard to demonstrate the connecting links between all these Fehme assassinations but his efforts did not arouse public opinion.<br /><br />In July, 1920, the non-commissioned officer Max Krueger, of the Rossbach corps stationed at Stecklin, learned that one of the farm workers, Willi Schmidt, age twenty, wanted to abandon his job-and that it was being whispered in the village that he intended to inform the police of the spot where certain secret arms had been cached. The local Fehme of the Rossbach corps decided to take action immediately.<br /><br />Four members of the organization, Heines, Bandemer, Vogt and Ottow, paid a visit to Schmidt, pretending to be police inspectors. Intimidated, Schmidt left with them, supposedly to attend a hearing at the police station. Actually he was led to an isolated spot in the vicinity and there Ottow beat him over the head with a blackjack. It was decided to take him to the Kehrberg forest and his wounds were dressed. On the way there Schmidt tried to draw the attention of passers-by and cried out: "They want to kill me." No one paid any attention to him.<br /><br />Two other members of the Rossbach corps, Baer and Fraebel, now joined the others. At last Heines ordered Baer to shoot Schmidt. Baer could not quite make up his mind, so Heines himself shot at Schmidt twice. He was joined by Ottow, who also fired twice. Schmidt still had sufficient strength to cry out for help. He was knocked down and his face was pushed into the ground. Fraebel trampled on his head and finally Ottow finished him off with ten raps of the blackjack.<br /><br />Baer now dug a pit in which the corpse was buried. But the pit was not deep enough. A few days later the knees of the victim pushed up out of the ground and people in the neighborhood began to speak of the assassination. After that the assassins went back to the grave and buried their victim in a much deeper pit.<br /><br />Walter Cadow, age twenty-three, employed as overseer on an estate at Wismar in Mecklenburg, had been admitted into membership in the local Rossbach volunteers, having been a second lieutenant during the war. After some time he was suspected of intending to turn witness against the Rossbach Organization, in a trial concerning the Organization's activities, then in session.<br /><br />On May 31, 1923, following previous arrangements, members of the local Felime got him drunk, and then all his papers were removed. It was midnight. He was placed in a car with eight men, who, under the command of Second Lieutenant Hoess, held their guns against him. The car was driven out to the woods. Cadow was dragged out, stunned by blackjack blows, and, dripping with blood, was put back into the car. They now drove him to a clearing, where he was knocked to the ground. The entire gang trampled him with booted feet.<br /><br />One of these men, Wiedemeyer, slit his throat, and Second Lieutenant Hoess finally killed him with a bullet in the head.<br /><br />Jurisch, one of the members of this particular unit, later became remorseful and recounted the incident to the Vorwaerts—socialist newspaper of Berlin. The crime was thus brought to the attention of the attorney-general, who could not refuse to act. Two minor helpers in the assassination, as well as the informer, were arrested. Finally all three were released.<br /><br />The local chief of the Rossbach Organization hurriedly transported those who had participated in the assassination to other estates in Upper Silesia. He thus made sure that the affair would have no further repercussions. Later it was learned that he reprimanded Hoess, leader of the unit, severely: "If you had been a member of the Rossbach Organization for a longer time, you would have known how such -affairs should be handled. Two men and one bullet-at night in the woods-are all that is needed."<br /><br />Around 1922-1923, the Rossbach Organization found means of introducing its methods into the Reichswehr itself. In numerous areas throughout Germany, local cells were organized within the regular army. These cells were named "Reichswehrblock Rossbach" (R. W. B. R.)—Rossbach Reichswehr Section. Indiscretions had exposed the relations between the Rossbach Organization and a certain regiment of Magdeburg. Following this, the local R. W. B. R. issued, in May, 1932, the following command (later revealed by the Left press):<br /><br />"In the name of the Chief: In view of the prevailing espionage, the leaders have decided to form a so-called Fehme-unit. This will be composed only of trustworthy men, who have been trained in pistol shooting, and shall be under the direct command of the leaders. It will be the duty of the Fehme to observe the movement of those who appear suspect to the leaders and to dispose of traitors as well as politically undesirable individuals. Because of the difficulties of this work, and the great demands it makes, only the most reliable and trustworthy men are to be chosen."<br /><br />Fehme assassinations increased in number within the Reichswehr and the various Black Reichswehr organizations. The magazine Das andere Deutschland published in its issue of January, 1927, the following "confession":<br /><br />"I, the undersigned, Hubert Caida, worker at Wreschcn, was, in 1921, a member of the 'self-defense' organization, section Dedewitzhof, near to Twerkau, district of Ratibor. On the night of the 18th or 19th of May, 1921, I, along with another member of the organization, received orders from Lieutenant Petrich to follow the tavern proprietor Miketta, from Dedewitzhof to Benkowitz, and to shoot him dead, somewhere along the way. On the road from Dedewitzhof to Twerkau, Miketta walked a few steps in front of us, his hands in his pockets, smoking his pipe, and without suspicion. We said that we would accompany him right up to the door of his house where his wife awaited his return. Miketta was three steps ahead of me when, in accordance with my instructions, I shot him in the head. He died on the spot. I am sorry to have killed Miketta, but I thought I had to carry out the orders of my superior, Lieutenant Petrich.<br /><br />"Wreschen, November 27, 1926<br />Hubert Caida."<br /><br />Erich Pannier, a young baker aged twenty-one, was active in a Ruhr detachment of the Black Reichswehr in 1923. He became suspect to his superiors and when, in May, 1923, he did not return from a leave within the required time, Sergeant Schirmann was sent out after him, arresting him at the home of his parents. On the street, Pannier slipped away from Schirmann, cried out for help from the Black Reichswehr, and begged a policeman to protect him. Despite protestations by the Sergeant, who showed his papers to the policeman, the latter conducted Pannier to the police station. The commissioner there telephoned the general staff of the Third Army Division, requesting instructions. He was told that a second lieutenant would be sent over immediately to call for Pannier. Later a second lieutenant and another man presented themselves to the commissioner, and they took custody of Pannier, whom they then led away. The commissioner did not realize that the officer was really Second Lieutenant Benn of the Black Reichswehr. (In the course of the trial, where these incidents were revealed, it was never explained how a telephone call to the general staff of a regular division of the German army could have led to the dispatching of men of the Black Reichswehr.) Two days later, on orders of Berm, Pannier was killed in the woods with an axe by Sergeant Schirmann and Privates Aschenkampf and Stein.<br /><br />The day following the crime, Schirmarm. left for Berlin carrying a letter addressed to Lieutenant Paul Schulz, whose name figures in many of these assassinations. Schulz seems to have been one of the principal organizers of the Black Reichswehr Fehme. Sergeant Fahlbusch, who made accusations against Schulz during the course of a trial of Fehme crimes, was later, in January, 1931, found asphyxiated in a motor boat. His death was never cleared up.<br /><br />The Nazis and the Fehme<br /><br />It is curious to observe the relationship between the postwar Felime organizations and the Nazi party. That numerous murderers from the C Organization, the Rossbach Organization and the various detachments of the Black Reichswehr became members of the Nazi party around 1930, is in itself not astonishing. It can be explained simply by the general attraction which the party held for the masses, and particularly among nationalist elements. But we have seen how, as early as 1923, the Wikingbund, closely connected to the C Organization, adopted in its statutes the program of the National-Socialist party as its political ideal. On the other hand, Rossbach was official representative for Hitler in North Germany during this same period. When the police of Thuringia on January 26, 1923, arrested 373 members of the Rossbach Organization, including forty officers (as related in the Frankfurter Zeitung of January 28, 1923), it was discovered that all of them were to report to the Congress of the National-Socialist party, convening in Munich. The police found numerous guns and blackjacks on the men, and in many cases they wore uniforms beneath their civilian clothes. A great many of them wore swastikas.<br /><br />In 1923, the Nazi party was not yet as feared and as influential as it was to be at a later time. Nevertheless the two powerful Fehme associations, the C Organization and the Rossbach Organization, maintained consistent connections with it. This was due only to the fact that all three organizations were agencies acting for the same group of interests.<br /><br />The ties of the C Organization with the Junkers and with the Reichswehr, loyal servants of the Prusso-Teutonics, were clearly revealed during the course of various trials. That there was a connection between the Rossbach Organization and the Prussian landlords was an open secret, since almost all of their activity had taken place on lands of the latter. It is clear that by maintaining a regular relationship with both organizations, the Nazi party was cultivating its connections with the hidden powers which were at the same time behind both organizations—the entire Junker-Prussian clique.<br /><br />Yet there had been reason to believe from time to time that the Nazi movement would one day come to a head in a separatist revolt of the different German regions against Prussian centralization. This was true especially when Hitler—in the beginning of his movement—had close ties with the Bavarian separatists under the leadership of Kahr. The Number Two leader of the Nazi party, Gregor Strasser, thought he could maintain great independence with respect to the Prusso-Teutonic forces. Captain Roehm deluded himself with the idea that his "Praetorian Guards," the S. A., were sufficiently strong to enable the party to realize its own ends without the necessity of submitting to any outside forces. Hitler himself, entirely without scruples, did not oppose his lieutenants. He welcomed all alliances, and all slogans, so long as these might be of value to him. Basically, he was never under any illusion as to what were the truly dominant forces in Germany. He knew very well that his assumption of power in Germany some day would be made possible only if he gave these forces absolute guarantees that he would serve them faithfully from the moment he had the controls.<br /><br />Despite his passing flirtations in other directions, Hitler wisely maintained contacts with the Prusso-Teutonic elements through Rossbach and Ehrhardt, and through his own henchman, Goering. This state of affairs continued until the time in 1932 and particularly in January, 1933, when he concluded a "life and death" alliance with the Junker forces. This became possible only after the "neutralization" of Hifidenburg, who alone among these elements had, up to that time, refused to approve the choice of the Austrian corporal as the 64 super factotum" selected to serve the Prussian cause.<br /><br />As early as 1924, when appearances ran counter to the conclusion he set down, E. J. Gumbel in his book, Verscbwoerer, published in Berlin, had written the following:<br /><br />"In its deepest foundations, National-Socialism contains but little more than Prussian militarism."<br /><br />pps. 117-153<span class="on" style="display: block;" id="formatbar_JustifyFull" title="Justify Full" onmouseover="ButtonHoverOn(this);" onmouseout="ButtonHoverOff(this);" onmouseup="" onmousedown="CheckFormatting(event);FormatbarButton('richeditorframe', this, 13);ButtonMouseDown(this);"><br />==cont==<br /><br />Peace,<br />K<br /></span></div><div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-114191475623834290?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1141875952173746092006-03-08T19:45:00.000-08:002006-03-08T19:50:36.093-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/Ignite_CU_012_Icon_130.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/400/Ignite_CU_012_Icon_130.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">(2) The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</a><br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;font-size:130%;" >The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</span><br />Paul Winkler<br />Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943<br />New York<br />381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print<br />-----<br /><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">--."[* The expression "people" employed by Bismarck in his discourse is actually a euphemism—designating that mass of Landjunkers who alone opposed realization of the democratic plan of 1848, rather than the true people, who had supported this plan. When he speaks of the "Prussian army," he obviously refers to the body of officers who, in their entirety, stem from the Junker class. As for the spirirt of "South German insubordination," which he vigorously opposes, this is, in reality, the Christian and humanitarian spirit, respecting the "rights of man" which Bismarck and the Junkers considered contrary to Teutonic traditions.]--<br /><br />CHAPTER III<br /><br />PRUSSIA COMES UP IN<br />THE WORLD<br /><br />THE KNIGHT OFFICIALS, the real leaders of the Teutonic Order, maintained their positions. The Junkers preserved their privileges. The secret societies * undertook the task of keeping alive the mysticism and the "conspirational" aspect of the Order. It may therefore be said that all the traditions of the Teutonic Knights fully survived in the Duchy, and later in the Kingdom of Prussia. [* We shall see at work the many subordinate organizations which these secret societies found it useful to create in the period 1918-1933.]<br /><br />The family branch of Duke Albert died out in 1618. The Prussian heritage passed to another Hohenzollern, the Elector of Brandenburg, who was henceforth to rule over both countries. He was, as Margrave of Brandenburg, under the Emperor, and as Duke of Prussia, a vassal to the King of Poland. But the Electors who followed were much more concerned with being rulers of Prussia than of Brandenburg.<br /><br />The Order's Traditions Survive in Diplomacy and Warfare<br /><br />These electors no doubt wished to take advantage of the numerous traditions of the Order which had survived in Prussia as well as of the unique tie-up of interests between the Junker organizations and the caste of officials. They felt that they might carry out much more ambitious plans thus than if they built their reign around the dull heritage of Brandenburg, whose history was hardly different and no more interesting than that of most of the other German principalities.<br /><br />Frederick William I, who was named the "Great Elector," contributed a great deal to the maintenance and development of this Prusso-Teutonic tradition. H. Bauer (in Schwert im Osten, 1932) comments on this with characteristic enthusiasm: "In the creation of the Brandenburg-Prussian State by the Great Elector Frederick William I, the State concept which had existed in the old Order's State was revived. The moral strength of the officialdom and of the army of the Order was given new life. Under Frederick the Sword in the East was raised in the old Prussian spirit of hardness, obedience and duty-the Sword through which the Reich (the age-old dream of all Germans) would be created anew."<br /><br />During the wars between Poland and Sweden, the Great Elector, alternately siding with each of these countries, manoeuvred with a duplicity so ingenious that he finally succeeded in having the complete independence of the Duchy of Prussia recognized by both countries. Later, under his son, Frederick, Brandenburg and the Duchy were transformed into the "Kingdom of Prussia." Frederick chose this latter name because as sovereign of Brandenburg he would have been vassal of the Emperor. But at the same time, by calling himself "King of Prussia," he showed his intention of remaining faithful to Prussian traditions. His sovereignty for this reason received the support of the powerful ruling class composed of Prussian officials, descendants of the Knights and affiliates of the Junkers.<br /><br />His son Frederick II, named Frederick the Great, increased the power of Prussia through aggressive wars, thus preserving cherished old-Prussian principles. He attributed these wars in his personal memoirs simply to ambition. All the wars fought by the great Elector and Frederick the Great were wars of their own choice, as von Bernhardi stated in words previously quoted: "Of all the wars through which he [Frederick II] led his people, not one was forced upon him." These men acted for the sole purpose of constantly extending the power of the Prussian State-just as the activities of the Grand Masters had been devoted solely to continuous expansion of the territory of the Order's State. Both were supported by the same feudal privileged class, whose modes of living had varied little during the course of centuries.<br /><br />No German Unity Without Junker Hegemony<br /><br />The wave of revolution which swept Europe in 1848 was directed at these privileges, among other things, and also at the abuses for which they had been responsible. The Junkers passed a few uneasy hours. But the upheaval was unsuccessful, in that it did not reach the true root of the evil. In an enthusiastic but somewhat naive spirit, the revolutionaries asked Frederick William IV, King of Prussia, to assume leadership of their movement and to accept the imperial crown. The King, flattered by the offer, at first agreed; but soon "other influences made themselves felt," and he declined the proposal. The high officials, the Junker Prussians and their allies in the armed forces* had vetoed this proposition. [*The latter-the officers' corps-was composed of descendants of the same caste as the first two groups, and preserved all military traditions of the Order.]<br /><br />This action might seem surprising on the part of a group which so strongly desired the aggrandizement of Prussia. As proven by later events, their aim was Prussian hegemony over the Reich as the first stage toward a more far-reaching hegemony. Yet, apparently, they did not wish to seize the opportunity offered them in 1848, whereby they might have united the various German states under the rule of the King of Prussia:<br /><br />The reason for this is simple: the "Pan-Prussians" knew that such unification as was possible at that time would be risky, since it would have been based on ideas much too democratic. Under such conditions there was absolutely no guarantee that their feudal privileges (which for them came before the interests of the State) would be preserved. The creed of the powerful "Society of Lizards" was still strong: "Patriotic interests are to be supported only where they are to the interest of the Junkers." The Junkers preferred to wait until the unification of the Reich could be achieved on terms favorable to themselves: i.e., through complete seizure of power over all other German states by the Prusso-Teutonic clique. Bismarck, Wilhelm II to a certain extent, and finally Hitler were to achieve this task as the Prusso-Teutonics had conceived it.<br /><br />Carl Schurz, the German patriot of 1848, who later became a great political figure in America, described in his memoirs*[* The Reminiscences of Carl Schurz, The McClure Co., New York, 1907.] the forces influencing the King of Prussia in 1848:<br /><br />"There was the landed aristocracy, the 'Junker' element, whose feudal privileges were theoretically denied by the revolutionary spirit and practically invaded by the legislative action of the representatives of the people, and who artfully goaded the King's pride. There was the old bureaucracy, the power of which had been broken by the revolution, although its personnel had but little been changed, and which sought to recover its former sway. There was the 'old Prussian' spirit which resented any national aspirations that might encroach upon the importance and self-appreciation of specific Prussiandom, and which still had strength in the country immediately surrounding Berlin [ * ] and in some of the eastern provinces. All these forces, which in a general term were popularly called 'the reaction,' worked together to divert the King from the course he had ostensibly taken immediately after the revolution of March, with the hope of using him for the largest possible restoration of the old order of thingswell knowing that if they controlled him, they would, through him, control the army and then with it a tremendous, perhaps decisive force in the conflicts to come."<br />[* Potsdam, in the suburbs of Berlin, was the seat of Prusso-Teutonic influence on the affairs of the State.]<br /><br />The projects for German unification in accordance with the democratic plan of 1848-49 also met strong resistance from Bismarck, who throughout his entire career had been a faithful servant to the Prussian interests: "I believe that if we withhold our support from these projects it will be easier for Prussia to bring about German unity in the manner already pointed out by the- government. If it came to the worst, however, I would rather that Prussia should remain Prussia, than see my king lower himself so far as to become the vassal of Messrs. Simon and Schaffrath's [democratic leaders of that time] political associates. In her own character, she will always be in a position to give laws to Germany instead of receiving them from others."<br /><br />It is this, actually, with which the Prussian clique is concerned: to impose its own laws on the rest of Germany, and we know exactly what is meant by these "laws."<br /><br />In 1849, Bismarck made a speech on the same question: "What has hitherto kept us going has just been our specific Prussianism, the remains of the heretical old-fashioned Prussianism which has survived the Revolution, i.e., the Prussian army and exchequer, fruits of intelligent Prussian administration, and the vigorous interchangeable activity that connects King and People in Prussia. . . . The people, whose truest representative is that very army, does not desire to see its Prussian kingdom melt away in the putrid fermentation of South German insubordination.* Its loyalty is not attached to a proper Board of Directors of the Empire or to the sixth part of a Council of Princes, but to its living and free king of Prussia, the heir of his ancestors. . . . We all wish that the Prussian Eagle should spread its wings, alike protecting and ruling, from the Memel to the Donnersberg; but we want to see him free-not fettered by a new Ratisbon Parliament, or supported on the pinions of those levelling hedgeclippers at Frankfort. Prussians we are, and Prussians we will remain; and I hope to God that we shall continue to do so long after this scrap of paper will be forgotten as though it were a withered autumn leaf."[* The expression "people" employed by Bismarck in his discourse is actually a euphemism—designating that mass of Landjunkers who alone opposed realization of the democratic plan of 1848, rather than the true people, who had supported this plan. When he speaks of the "Prussian army," he obviously refers to the body of officers who, in their entirety, stem from the Junker class. As for the spirirt of "South German insubordination," which he vigorously opposes, this is, in reality, the Christian and humanitarian spirit, respecting the "rights of man" which Bismarck and the Junkers considered contrary to Teutonic traditions.]<br /><br />The Teutonic Devil<br /><br />In thus declaring himself for "Prussian" principles, and opposing those principles which might be called "German," Bismarck supports a particular type of Germany, discriminating against the other. The "Prussianism" to which he declares himself faithful (which as a nationality has had a much shorter past than the German) is none other than the tradition of the Order, which has survived—a Teutonic tradition of everlasting expansion, supported by a privileged caste. In distinction to this is found the other tradition of the industrious city-bourgeoisie, of the peaceful principalities and of the spirit of cooperation of the Hanseatic League. In a moment of sincerity Bismarck wrote to one of his friends: "I have sold my soul to the Teutonic Devil" (so reports! Moritz 'Busch, his literary factotum, who was very devoted to him *). It is this very "Teutonic Devil" to whom all the "German grandeur" theoreticians of the nineteenth century sold their soul. Because this Teutonic Devil was the same as the Prussian Devil, they all, regardless of their own origins, came to consider Prussia as the only country, the only power capable of realizing their dreams. [* Moritz Busch, Bismarck, translated by William Beatty-Kingston, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1891.]<br /><br />Moritz Busch devotes much time to proving that although Bismarck was born a Junker, had the Junker manners, and was the political ally of the Junkers, he was nevertheless not the Junker prototype. Busch had been very close to Bismarck, and it is likely he wished to present his hero in the light in which the latter preferred to appear. His thesis to a certain extent is valid. Bismarck throughout his career was sincerely devoted to the Prussian monarchy. The latter, despite its alliances with the Junkers, despite similarity of goals and methods, despite the origin of both from the Order, had finally evolved its own goals and traditions within the framework of this common background. (This commonly happens to institutions created to serve the interests of others. When these institutions acquire an independent existence, they end by developing their own traditions and aims, still preserving those which lay behind their origins. The Teutonic Order itself, having carried on the ambitions of Emperor Frederick II toward imperium mundi, ended by endowing these ambitions with a more complex meaning. And the same appears to be true if we compare the Prussian-Junker organizations with the true Teutonic Order.) The Prussian monarchy was a servile instrument for the Prussian Junkers, and as such represented a most opportune facade for this group; but at the same time it had its own existence and evidently cannot be considered absolutely identical with the latter.* [* Just so, in 1918, the monarchy, because of its role as facade, had to bear the entire responsibility for the debacle. Because this monarchy existed as a separate entity, it was possible to suppress it without actually affecting the forces which hid behind it. Suppression of the monarchy seemed to be remedy enough. The Prussian Junkers (with their affiliations in the army, among the officials and, since the creation and development of German industry-among heavy industry as well) were a much more dangerous group than had been their front organization-the monarchy; and they were thus able to maintain their position. They could do so because their activities and their secret organizations escaped general attention.]<br /><br />Busch, to whom one may refer without being accused of having preconceived ideas against Bismarck, says this of his idol:<br /><br />"He is descended from an ancient family of country nobles, inhabiting the Marches, which has supplied to the Prussian kings a goodly number of 'Junkers,' all of whom became officers in the army, not a few dying the death on the battlefield, under Frederick the Great and during the War of Emancipation, for Honor and their Country. When he had grown up to early manhood, the 'Junkerish' attributes above alluded to-arrogance, high temper and brusquerie—were strongly developed in him; the least objectionable of them, however, were the most salient. As a student, he was notorious for a spicy tongue and a ready sword; the older citizens of Goettingen still bear his wild tricks in mind."<br /><br />The description of Junker manners in the character of the young Bismarck corresponds trait for trait with the traditional prototype of the Teutonic Knights, the ancestors of the Junkers.<br /><br />Busch has a few apologetic passages here on the subject of the Junker connections and attitudes of Bismarck: "The Chancellor was a Junker; he lived a Junker's life for a considerable time, and to some extent represented the views of his fellow-Junkers. As a Minister, however, he belonged to the party designated by the epithet 'Junkerdom' only to the extent that, like itself, he was a Royalist in thought and feeling, and, above all, objected to Parliamentary government. . . . If he were styled 'soldier' instead of 'Junker'—if his militarism were grumbled at instead of his Junkerdom—there would be some sense in such a view of his character, although it would be no reproach to him. What is spoken of as militarism is in reality that Prussian discipline by virtue of which all the forces in the State, all the members of the governmental organism in its various branches, work together with one common object-that system, the first principle of which for all connected with it (from the lowest to the highest in rank, including the Sovereign) is obedience, or rather the subordination of each individual's personal inclinations and opinions to those of his immediate official Superior in particular, and to the interests of the State in general.* Every part of this system is an accurate fit, dovetailing admirably with the part adjoining it; all goes on smoothly, as in the army, which is merely the most marked outcome of the spirit animating all our State institutions and officials, besides being the chief and central school in which that spirit is imparted to the population at large.<br />[ * The adherence by Bismarck and the entire Prussian school to the principle of obedience, to the interests of the State and to Prussian discipline, is, as we have seen, the product of a long tradition stemming from the Teutonic Order.]<br /><br />"Such a system as this-of which Bismarck himself once said: 'I am ambitious to deserve one day the praise bestowed by history upon Prussian discipline'—is quite compatible with an abundant measure of political liberty, but not with the Parliamentary form of government demanded by our Liberals . . . Bismarck is the incorporate ideal of the Prussian officer and official, not of the Prussian Junker. Nothing short of stupidity or dishonesty can account for any man mistaking him in this respect. Future generations will not be guilty of such folly or wickedness.<br /><br />Busch here seems to be raising an issue over words. For if we restrict the use of the expression "Junker" to that class of Prussian "country-squires" living in their Middle Age paradise, Bismarck, although springing from this very class, far surpassed them in scope and daring. Busch says that in the final analysis Bismarck should be considered basically as a Prussian officer or official. However we know that these Prussian officers and officials are sons and grandsons of the same Prussian "country-squires," or that they are descended from other officers and officials whose families, since the time of the Order, had been closely allied with the Landjunkers. Considering all this, we are justified in saying that all these elements really formed one great caste-regardless of whether we call it Junker or not. Because he was more intelligent than the class he represented, because he had travelled abroad, Bismarck became more "civilized" and developed a much broader outlook than his associates. That is why he might have appeared, at times, to be deviating from his original course. This was not so, for Bismarck until the end of his career continued to serve the forces which had descended directly from the Teutonic Order, always with the same devotion and ruthlessness: he simply used a little more tact in his actions than did his masters.<br /><br />Busch's division of the Prussian ruling class into army officers, officials and Junkers goes back, under different names, to the time of the Order. The Prussian army officers were formerly Teutonic Knights serving the Order by the sword. The Prussian officials had previously been "Officials of the Order." Lastly the Junkers were descended in a direct line from those friends and relatives of the Knights who had come to Prussia as no more than Bettlejunkers, and who had seized the lands with the complicity of the Knights, at the same time absorbing the remnants of the Germanized Borussian nobility. It is this Trinity-holy only to those individuals participating in it-which for centuries has been the keystone of Prussian affairs, and which has also become the keystone of Germany, since the time the "Reich" became equivalent to "Greater Prussia."<br /><br />This tripartite caste was no vague entity, but was well organized. Its tactics and direction were determined by the secret societies we have discussed. The Junkers, Prussian "country-squires," played a dominant role within this group.<br /><br />They were concerned with preserving the advantages derived from rights which permitted them to exploit their land and men by methods used in the Middle Ages. Because they maintained great unity among themselves, they were in a position to exercise much influence behind the scenes in all questions of political significance, and to make their opinions respected during all periods of Prussian history. Their aims did not differ much from those of the army officers and officials who remained their faithful allies, but because they were better organized than the others and financially more independent, they were at all times more influential in the affairs of the State. Further, the Junkers were concerned with the interests of the State only so long as they could maintain it as a servile instrument in their own hands.<br /><br />The Prussian army officers and civic officials, many of whom were related to Junkers (a fact which contributed to greater interdependence of the three groups), loyally carried out the Junkers' intentions. A sort of "local patriotism" masked private interests: these interests were, for the Junkers, the raison d'etre for this association. As for the officers and officials, the State had symbolically taken the place of the Order and they intended to serve it with almost monastic submission and discipline. Collaboration with the Junkers who were the masters of the State was simply a matter of doing their duty—their Prussian duty; and, in doing it, they used all the traditional harshness of Prussian methods.<br /><br />The Technique of "Isolation"<br /><br />It is Bismarck who extended Prussian power over all other German States with the exception of Austria; Bismarck who in 1848-49 did everything to prevent the King of Prussia from accepting the crown of Germany. King Frederick William had to yield actual control of royal power because of his mental state, which had become precarious. His brother William was elected Regent. The new Regent believed as strongly as did Bismarck in the necessity for uniting Germany under Prussian hegemony. He was hesitant as to the methods to be pursued in this. Bismarck was to provide these methods for him. When Frederick William died in 1861, the Regent became King William and in 1862 he named Bismarck Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Prussia.<br /><br />Bismarck's political experience dated back nine years. Dur-ing part of this time he had represented Prussia in the Diet of the German Bund * at Frankfort, where he spent his time principally in struggle against Austria, which had a great influence on other German States. The Prussians considered Austria as their only rival for German hegemony, and cost what it might, she was to be eliminated from the scene. Moreover, Austria, with the urbane and kindly methods of her administration was, for Bismarck, a shocking antithesis to Prussian harshness and severity. As such she influenced the other German States in a way which the Prussians considered pernicious. She had, therefore, to be eliminated at any price.[ * The only existing bond between German states at that time. It included Austria.]<br /><br />Four years spent as ambassador to the Russian court familiarized Bismarck with the intrigues of diplomacy; so that when he came to power in 1862 he brought with him both national and international experience as background for the battle he was going to wage.<br /><br />At first Austria still seemed too influential for Bismarck to consider immediately eliminating her from the Bund. Therefore it was first necessary to "isolate" her. The Prussian technique for isolating an adversary from his allies has always been the same since the early times of the Teutonic Order: first, making overtures to the country or the Prince who was to be isolated; second, after the victim fell into the trap, pointing out to his allies that the former was willing to go along without them. Generally this was enough to isolate him completely.<br /><br />In 1863, while discussions on the eventual reorganization of the Bund were taking place, Prussia demanded permanent presidency of the Bund, on an equal footing with Austria. The proposal was rejected by the latter. But Bismarck found another occasion to tie up with Austria, and to trap this country into isolation from the other German States.<br /><br />In 1864, the Bund favored the cause of the Prince of Augustenburg in his struggle with the King of Denmark over the Duchies of the Elbe, Schleswig-Holstein and Lauenburg, which had been occupied by Denmark. The Bund attempted to restore sovereignty over these Duchies to the Prince. Bismarck persuaded Austria to ignore the stand taken by the Bund, and to remain on the sidelines.<br /><br />In a treaty signed in 1864, Austria and Prussia decided to act on the question as independent powers, and to determine by common agreement the fate of the Duchies of the Elbe (without considering the desires of the Bund for return of these Duchies to the Augustenburg family). In his memoirs, Bismarck acknowledges that, by acting supposedly for the "liberation of Germans from Danish oppression," he was endeavoring above all to procure these territories for Prussia. He had clearly realized that the port of Kiel and the canal connecting the North Sea to the Baltic might some day serve as a base for the establishment of Prussian naval power. He was aware that his aims could be realized only through conclusion of treaties which even before signing them he intended to violate. But he confesses also (resuming here a thesis whose moral inspiration stemmed from the Order, and which is found repeated among the Prussian theoreticians of the nineteenth century) that a treaty had but little value to him unless it gained additional validity, after its conclusion, through the concordant interests of the contracting parties.<br /><br />In August, 1864, following a short and victorious campaign by the Prussian and Austrian armies against the Danes, Bismarck signed the Treaty of Vienna, in which SchleswigHolstein and Lauenburg were to be administered jointly by Austria and Prussia.<br /><br />From this point on, Bismarck concerned himself solely with eliminating his associate, Austria, from the pact which had been concluded. Austria felt that she was drawn by Prussia into an equivocal and embarrassing position with respect to the other German States. To regain their confidence she now began to look with favor on the settlement proposed by the Bund, which called for the return of the Duchies to the Prince of Augustenburg. Bismarck refused to subordinate the conquered territories to the authority of the existing Bund, but declared himself ready to negotiate with a reorganized Bund, from which Austria would be excluded. On June 14, 1866, the Diet rejected the Prussian proposal by a vote of nine to six. The following day, Prussian troops marched against Austria, crossing through Saxony. After a campaign of seven weeks, Austria was defeated at Koeniggraetz.<br /><br />A Tentacle Reaches Out<br /><br />With her only rival for German hegemony thus easily eliminated, Prussia now profited from the propitious psychological moment, to impose her terms on the German States. Austria had to accept a "new German organization without the participation of Austria." Two confederations were established: the North German Bund, including all States north of the Main River, and the South German Bund. Relations between the two Bunds were to be defined in subsequent conventions. The North German Bund was to have the King of Prussia as its permanent and hereditary ruler. The Duchies of the Elbe were simply annexed by Prussia, as were the north German States which had previously favored Austria: Hesse-Kassel, Hanover, Nassau, and the free city of Frankfort.<br /><br />Half of Bismarck's plan was now accomplished: all north German States were henceforth under Prussia's control. The North in its entirety had always had more understanding of Prussian methods than had the South. Bismarck could therefore hope to impose on it the severity of Prussian discipline, and in this manner establish Prussia's rule over a limited territory as a first step toward further expansion. He thought that this progressive expansion would afford him much better opportunities for final success.<br /><br />Of all the princes dispossessed from their estates in 1866, only the royal family of Hanover continued for many years to protest against the Prussian action. The Duke of Nassau and the Elector of Hesse formally renounced their rights, and the daughter of the Duke of Augustenburg married the young prince William of Hohenzollern, who later became Emperor William II. But the princes of Hanover, who were also heirs to the throne of Brunswick, for a long time considered themselves in a state of war with Prussia. Their faithful subjects organized passive resistance to Prussian occupation. It is interesting to note that the royal family of Hanover is descended from the Welfs or Guelfs, whose struggles against the "Ghibellines" have become legendary. As we have seen (p. 44) the Ghibellines were partisans of the Hohenstaufens, from whom Emperor Frederick II was descended-the same Frederick who had bequeathed his imperial mission to the Teutonic Order, the ancestor of Prussia. The struggle between Guelfs and Ghibellines continued until the end of the fifteenth century. It is perhaps no simple coincidence that the princes of Hanover, descendants of the Welfs, were so violently opposed to the ambitions of the Prussians—the spiritual grandchildren of Frederick II of the Hohenstaufen, or Ghibelline line. The royal family of England issued from the same family of Hanover. As such, they too descended from the Welfs, the traditional enemies of the imperialistically ambitious Hohenstaufens, of whom Prussia became the heir.<br /><br />The Isolation of France<br /><br />With Austria removed from German affairs, the first thing to do was to neutralize those other influences which opposed Prussian domination over Germany. Because the south German States made it a practice to invite France's advice, it would be necessary above all to "isolate" France, just as Austria had been isolated. To this end Bismarck employed the same methods: he showed himself very friendly toward France and entered into discussions with her. During these conversations, Bismarck suggested all sorts of compensations for France if she would permit Prussian expansion of power. Napoleon III at first claimed the left bank of the Rhine, but Bismarck conducted negotiations in such a manner that a solution, calling for the annexation of Luxembourg and Belgium by France, and the extension of Prussian power to the south German States, gained preference in the discussions. Nothing was concluded: neither Napoleon III nor Bismarck definitely accepted the plan. But Bismarck preserved the original draft of the project which had been written in the hand of Benedetti, the ambassador of France. He then arranged for a facsimile of the plan in Benedetti's handwriting to appear in the London Times, and at the same time, brought to the attention of the south German States the original claims of Napoleon III to the left bank of the Rhine.<br /><br />The isolation of France was accomplished at one stroke. Suspicion was cast on her in England and in the south German States. The latter, which then counted on the support of France, from now on felt more disposed to deal with Prussia. Bismarck now concluded a secret military pact-offensive and defensive-with the south German States, by virtue of which the supreme command reverted to the King of Prussia. He next tried to find a reason for declaring war against France, so that Prussian command over all the German armies might become a fact. Indeed, he believed that Prussian direction on the military level-especially if this were successful-might easily be followed by Prussian rule on all other levels over all German States.<br /><br />Manoeuvring for the throne of Spain furnished the occasion for declaring war against France. A Hohenzollern was candidate for this throne. France protested and asked for explanations. The King of Prussia, William I, held a meeting with Benedetti at Ems, the bathing resort where he stayed, and matters seemed to work out amicably. The King telegraphed to Bismarck, giving him the details of this meeting. Bismarck deliberately "edited" the telegram, and had the altered version published. This ruse made the French attitude appear more unfriendly, and the response of the King more abrupt than they had been in reality.<br /><br />Under the influence of this famous "Ems dispatch" a belligerent atmosphere was created within France and Germany. This was exactly what Bismarck had desired. Napoleon III, under the pressure of French public opinion, declared wara war which immediately turned to the advantage of the German armies, which were under Prussian command. In January, 1871, a few days before the capitulation of Paris, the King of Bavaria (who had always been considered the traditional ally of France) in the joy of conquest, proposed that William I of Prussia be proclaimed Emperor of Germany. The proclamation took place at the Palace of Versailles.<br /><br />Bismarck, who had accompanied the King to Paris, settled at Versailles for a few months. He used these surroundings to create conditions psychologically favorable for his plans. In the impressive halls of the Palace he had no difficulty in obtaining consent of the German princes to the formalities necessary for the creation of the Reich. He passed all his time in Versailles at this task and succeeded in establishing the unity, under Prussian rule, of the States of north and south Germany.<br /><br />Bismarck had thus put his theories of 1848-49 into practice: not to allow the King of Prussia to accept the throne of Germany if the latter came as a spontaneous offering of the people; but to acquire the throne through "blood and iron," which according to the traditional conceptions of the Teutonic Order was the path to more lasting results. It did not matter that to achieve these goals it was necessary to provoke wars against Austria and France artificially. Treitschke well expressed the essence of Prussian thought on this subject when he deplored the fact that no physician could be found who would have the audacity to prescribe war frankly as a wholesome potion for the people.<br /><br />From the day Bismarck succeeded in subjecting the other German States to Prussian rule the principal task was to impose the Teutonic spirit and Prussian severity on the whole of the German population, and to combat their easygoing tolerant ways-as a weakness, deriving from the "softening" Christian philosophy and corrupting the soul.<br /><br />The Hydra Needs Time<br /><br />Culminating in the gains of Bismarck, the Prusso-Teutonics had made great strides since their modest beginning in the thirteenth century. To recapitulate briefly:<br /><br />We have seen that an uninterrupted evolution proceeded from the beginning of the thirteenth century until 1870. In 1226, Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II entrusted a vast imperial mission to the recently created Order of Teutonic Knights, in his Bull of Rimini. The Knights launched the "campaign of Prussia" and conquered one country after another, dragging their neighbors into war on the flimsiest of pretexts, for the sole purpose of constantly increasing their territory. The Order was soon acting entirely on its own account as the sole heir of the traditions of the Hohenstaufen emperors (indirect descendents of the Carolingian emperors) whose line died out with Conrad IV, son of Frederick II. These are the traditions which point toward world domination, and which are in opposition and direct conflict to the claim of the Church of universal spiritual sovereignty. Under the protection of the Order, a caste of nobles, enjoying the favor and complicity of the Knights, settled in the conquered countries. These "Junkers" in turn tried to appropriate for their exclusive advantage the very aims and traditions which the Order itself had carried down from the Germano-Roman emperors. Already, during the reign of the Order in Prussia between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries, the Land-junkers were those who sought the greatest advantages from their privileged position, and they committed the greatest abuses. To protect their special interests they founded a secret society in the fourteenth century, ("Society of Lizards"). Under their influence, the State which the Order of Knights had formed was secularized in the sixteenth century by a Grand Master who was a member of the Hohenzollern family, and became a purely political unit.<br /><br />Instead of being subservient to the Knights as they had been in the past, the Junkers intended, from the time of the secularization of the Order's State, to have at their service the State officials and army officers, descended from two branches of knighthood-officials of the Order and the warrior Knights. The Electors, and later the Kings of Prussia, had to reckon with their desires and interests. So long as these were respected, the State-Duchy or Kingdom—could pursue those ancient plans established by the visionary Hohenstaufens, extending the bounds of conquest more and more.<br /><br />The Great Elector and King Frederick II found all sorts of pretexts for waging war. The goal was always the same—ceaseless conquest. The actions of Bismarck were no different, but he was not content with increasing the territory of Prussia. Using the same methods as his predecessors, he achieved domination by Prussia over all the German States-the reestablishment of the Empire to the advantage of Prussia and the Prussian clique. The circle was now completed. The Hohenstaufens had launched the Knights on a path of world conquest, but had lost the Empire. The descendants of the Knights established their regime over a vast territory which served them as a fief, and from which they again conquered the Empire.<br /><br />In observing how the Great Elector, Frederick the Great, and Bismarck all arrived at their goals, one cannot help but be struck by the similarity between their hypocritical methods and those employed by the Order, as described by contemporary chroniclers.<br /><br />Bismarck closed the circle, but by the inclusion of this immense territory within the Prussian orbit, at the same time put a temporary stop to the movement of expansion. The hydra needed time to digest the lamb. Thus in the period between 1870 and 1914, Prussia could give the world the impression that it had nothing to fear from her, and most people were lulled by the illusion that the era of Prussian conquest had passed.<br /><br />The world did not realize that Prussia needed a temporary period of peace to organize the territories it had acquired. Bismarck himself had decided to call a halt. The Empire was to be thoroughly Prussianized, for only the Prussian discipline inherited from the Order—the "devota subjectio" so dear to the Knights, translated into civic terms in Prussia—would in the long run enable other German countries also to acquire the desirable toughness and ruthlessness. This development would some day enable the Prussians to resume the path of conquest, this time on behalf of the Prussianized Empire.<br /><br />A Ghost Returns<br /><br />Principally due to the leadership of Bismarck, years of internal organization followed, but the theoreticians of Prussianism, the Treitschkes, the von Bernhardis and the others, looked toward the future and continued to keep the flame alive. In German intellectual circles they kept in the foreground the ambitions for world domination as well as the basic principles of tactical method through which to achieve it. During this time Bismarck himself was apparently occupied only with standardizing laws throughout Germany, and with unifying the army and the other institutions. Later, over a period of years, William II pursued the same task, but being more of a mystic than his predecessors, he considered it useful, toward the end of the nineteenth century, to reestablish the organization of the Teutonic Knights in Germany and principally in East Prussia.<br /><br />This gesture was purely symbolic and added but little to the existing state of affairs; the Junkers, the officers and officials who were now active in the Order had for a long time been united by numerous ties. They had their secret societies, within which they regularly discussed projects concerning the protection of their personal interests and national expansion. Nevertheless, it was characteristic that William II went further than mere reconstruction of the Order by rebuilding Marienburg, its traditional seat. He also named one infantry regiment (No. 152) as well as two artillery regiments (Nos. 71 and 72) for the Teutonic Knights. Measures of this kind would obviously increase the pride and the ambitions of the Junkers, and of their associates in the army and administration.<br /><br />"Hass gegen England, 1914"<br /><br />The next task to be undertaken was the attempt to smash the world hegemony of the power which was considered by the Prusso-Teutonic forces as their only major rival—England. Already List had pointed out the importance of this problem for the benefit of German imperialists of the future. Treitschke, in his writings, constantly fulminated against English hegemony, and thus kept alive a flame of hatred which was to become useful at the proper moment. The English had become masters of a fifth of the habitable lands of the earth. "Through robbery," said Treitschke.<br /><br />N. A. Cramb, Professor of History at Queens College in London, died on the eve of World War I. He foresaw the Prussian struggle against English hegemony as imminent in one form or another, because it was indispensable for the Prussian plans for world domination. "The quasi-historical form," said Cramb, "which the question of enmity to England now assumes in the minds of thousands of intellectual Germans is this: As the first great united action of the Germans as a people, when they became conscious of their power, was the overthrow of the Roman Empire, and ultimately, in Charlemagne and the Ottonides, the realization of the dream of Alaric—the transfiguration of the world, the subversion of Rome, and the erection upon its ruins of a new State; so in the twentieth century, now that Germany under the Hohenzollern has become conscious of her new life, shall her first great action to be the overthrow of that empire most corresponding to the Roman Empire, which in the dawn of her history she overthrew? In German history the old imperialism begins by the destruction of Rome. Will the new imperialism begin by the destruction of England?" *[* J. A. Cramb, M.A., Germany and England, E. P. Dutton & Co., New York, 1914. Quoted by permission of the publishers.]<br /><br />If there is conflict between the two nations, it is not because of the insults which Germany might suffer from England. No need for that. The mere existence of the British Empire is an insult to Prussian Germany. Cramb, who was in regular contact with German university circles, and who could clearly estimate the state of mind beyond the Rhine in 1913, said: "England's possessions, England's arrogance on the seas, her claim to world-wide empire—these, Germany answers, are to Germany an insult not less humiliating than any she has met with in the past. And what are these English pretensions? And upon what are they based? Not upon England's supremacy in character or intellect. For what is the character of this race which thus possesses a fifth of the habitable globe and stands forever in the path of Germany's course towards her 'place in the sun', in the path of Germany's course towards empire?<br /><br />"It is from this first recrimination that, during the last three or four decades, largely under the influence of the Prussian School of History, there has been evolved a portrait of England as the great robber-State. In one phase or another this conception is gradually permeating all classes, making itself apparent, now in a character in fiction, now in a poem, now in a work of history or economics, now in the lecture hall at Bonn or Heidelberg or Berlin, now in a political speech.<br /><br />"And the theme is precise. England's supremacy is an unreality, her political power is as hollow as her moral virtues; the one an arrogance and pretence, the other hypocrisy. She cannot long maintain that baseless supremacy. On the sea she is rapidly being approached by other powers; her resources, except by immigration, are almost stationary, and her very immigration debases still further her resources. Her decline is certain. There may be no war. The display of power may be enough, and England after 1900, like Venice after 1500, will gradually atrophy, sunk in torpor. . . .<br /><br />". . . Who is to succeed her? It may not be Germany; some Power it must be. But if Germany were to inherit the sceptre, which is falling from her nerveless hands . . . ?<br /><br />"And having visualized this future, the German imagination, in a tempest of envy or vehement hate, becomes articulate and takes various shapes, resulting in an almost complete arraignment of the British Empire, of the English character, and of all our institutions and all our efforts as an empire-building race."<br /><br />For what is the supreme ideal, Cramb asks, for all these German thinkers, who influence future events in Germany? "It is world dominion," he answers; "it is world empire; it is the hegemony of a planet. It assigns to Germany in the future a role like that which Rome or Hellas or Judaea or Islam have played in the past. That is Germany's hero-ideal. It is at least greatly conceived.<br /><br />"Assuming for a moment that this world-predominance is possible to Germany, what is the testimony of Germany's past, to her capacity to play this part? You find Germany an empire already in the ninth century, if you regard Charlemagne as a German—as he was; and again you have attempts at imperialism made by the German race under the Ottos in the tenth century; but most distinctly is Germany an imperial power in the twelfth century in the time of the Hohenstaufen, one of the most tragic dynasties in history."<br /><br />Characterizing the spiritual heritage of Treitschke, Cramb says: "Treitschke has defined the aim of Germany, and Treitschke's definition, which has been taken up by his disciples, is this: that just as the greatness of Germany is to be found in the governance of Germany by Prussia, so the greatness and good of the world is to be found in the predominance there of German culture, of German mind, in a word, of German character. This is the ideal of Germany, and this is Germany's role as Treitschke saw it in the future."<br /><br />These considerations of Cramb (originating in a lecture series he gave in 1913 and published in April, 1914) certainly correspond with the evolution of things during the first World War, which was a first attempt to rupture English political hegemony. But other passages in these same lectures have greater point for a more recent past than the 1914 epoch. Thus Cramb points out that the forces directing Germany intend not only to achieve world dominion in their own way, and to eliminate for this purpose the power of England. What they are equally concerned with is to replace the predominant civilization of the world with another, purely Germanic; and to do away with Christianity, the "softening influence" of which is in direct contradiction to the Teutonic moral concepts.<br /><br />"This world dominion of which Germany dreams," says Cramb, with great academic objectivity, "is not simply a material dominion. Germany is not blind to the lessons inculcated by Napoleonic tyranny. Force alone, violence or brute strength, by its mere presence or by its loud manifestations in war, may be necessary to establish this dominion; but its ends are spiritual. The triumph of the Empire will be the triumph of German culture, of the German world-vision in all the phases and departments of human life and energy, in religions, poetry, science, art, politics, and social endeavor.<br /><br />"The characteristics of this German world-vision, the benefits which its predominance is likely to confer upon mankind, are, a German would allege, truth instead of falsehood in the deepest and gravest preoccupations of the human mind; German sincerity instead of British hypocrisy; Faust instead of Tartuffe. And whenever I have put to any of the adherents of this ideal the further question: 'Where in actual German history do you find your guarantee for the character of the spiritual empire; is not the true role of Germany cosmopolitan and peaceful; are not Herder and Goethe its prophets?' I have met with one invariable answer: 'The political history of Germany, from the accession of Frederick in 1740 to the present hour, has admittedly no meaning unless it be regarded as a movement toward the establishment of a world-empire, with the war against England as the necessary preliminary. Similarly the curve which, during the last century and a half, Germany has traced in religion and metaphysical thought, from Kant and Hegel to Schopenhauer, Strauss and Nietzsche, has not less visibly been a movement towards a newer worldreligion, a newer world-faith. That fatal tendency to cosmopolitanism, to a dream-world which Heine derided and Treitschke deplored, does, indeed, still remain, but how transfigured!<br /><br />"But what is to be Germany's part in the future of human thought? Germany answers: 'It is reserved for us to resume in thought that creative role in religion which the whole Teutonic race abandoned fourteen centuries ago. Judea and Galilee cast their dreary spell over Greece and Rome, when Greece and Rome were already sinking into decrepitude and the creative power in them was exhausted, when weariness and bitterness wakened with their greatest spirits at day, and sank to sleep again with them at night. But Judxa and Galilee struck Germany in the splendor and heroism of her prime. Germany and the whole Teutonic people in the fifth century made the great error. They conquered Rome, but dazzled by Rome's authority they adopted the religion and the culture of the vanquished. Germany's own deep religious instinct, her native genius for religion, manifested in her creative success, was arrested, stunted, thwarted. But, having once adopted the new faith, she strove to live that faith, and for more than thirty generations she has struggled and wrestled to see with eyes that were not her eyes, to worship a God that was not her God, to live with a world-vision that was not her vision, and to strive for a heaven that was not her heaven. And with what chivalry and with what loyalty did not Germany strive! With what ardour she flung herself into the pursuit of sainthood as an ideal and then into the Crusades! Conrad and Barbarossa, Otto the Great and Frederick II, Hildebrand and Innocent III, were of her blood, so were Godfrey and Tancred and Bohemund. Yet in the East, in the very height of her enthusiasm, the outward fabric of faith sank. In the East where she sought the grave of Christ, she saw beyond it the grave of Balder, and higher than the New Jerusalem the shining walls of Asgard and of Valhalla. In Jerusalem, standing beside an empty grave, the summits of a mightier vision gleamed spectral around her. And whilst her Crusaders, front to front with Islam, burst into passionate denials and set Mohammed above Christ, or in exasperated scorn derided all religion, her great thinkers and mystics led her steadily toward the serener heights, where knowledge and faith dissolve in vision, and ardour is all.<br /><br />"'A great hope had sunk; a mightier hope had arisen. But like the purposes of the world-spirit in the everlasting self-disaccord, this hope could only be born in the bloodiest strife, and agony infinite, and fatalizing hatred and war. . . . Rome no longer a guide, Germany was torn by the violence of the furious heresies, from which sprang the secret orgies of the Black Mass, and that subterranean literature of which the "Detribus impostoribus" is a sign.<br /><br />"'The-seventeenth century flung off Rome; the eighteenth undermined Galilee itself; . . . and with the opening of the twentieth century, Germany, her long travail past, is reunited to her pristine genius, her creative power in religion and thought.<br /><br />"'And what is the religion which, on the whole, may be characterized as the religion of the most earnest and passionate minds of young Germany? What is this new movement? The movement, the governing idea of the centuries from the fourteenth to the nineteenth is the wrestle of the German intellect not only against Rome but against Christianism itself. Must Germany submit to this alien creed derived from an alien clime? Must she forever confront the ages, the borrower of her religion, her own genius for religion numbed and paralysed? . . .<br /><br />"'Thus while preparing to found a world-empire, Germany is also preparing to create a world-religion. No cultured European nation since the French Revolution has made an experiment in creative religion. The experiment which England, with her "dull imagination" has recoiled from, Germany will make; the fated task which England has declined she will essay.'<br /><br />"That is the faith of young Germany in 1913," concludes Cramb.<br /><br />His description of the German state of mind before the first World War is interesting in many respects. It is a rapid resume of a spiritual evolution paralleling the social and political evolution which we have described. As to the future, his description has more significance for the events of the last ten years than for the period which was immediately to follow the time when Cramb was speaking. The Germany of William II was not yet ready to make an open break with Christianity. The Germany of Hitler is much closer to this point, but here as elsewhere, we can see that she only executes what has for many years been definitely planned by the Prusso-Teutonic group.<br /><br />Cramb does not resolve the problem whose contradictions strike him. He is impressed by the profundity of the neo-pagan spirit which he has encountered in Germany, and by the political importance of Prussian traditions. On the other hand he is well aware of the Germany of Herder and Goethe and of its "cosmopolitan and peaceful spirit" but he does not know which to believe is the true spirit of Germany. He does not yet come to the conclusion that both Germanies might quite well have existed over a period of centuries simultaneously; the one always deeply pagan, of a pretended Christianity (Emperor Henry IV, Barbarossa, his grandson Frederick II, the Teutonic Knights and their descendants); and the other, thoroughly Christianized to an extent as great as any other European country, but constantly suffering from the exactions and egotism of the Pagan Germany. Cramb sees only the contradictions, but the permanent and secular character of the conflict seems to escape him completely. Prussia's propaganda was so clever that by 1913—forty-three years after the Prussian clique had manoeuvred themselves into the saddle over the rest of Germany-she made the world forget that "Prussia" and "Germany" are not absolutely identical.<br /><br />More Dreams<br /><br />Frederick Scott Oliver, another observer in the same epoch, writing in London (1915) says:* [* Frederick Scott Oliver, Ordeal by Battle, The Macmillan Co., New York, 1915. Quoted by permission of the publishers.]<br /><br />"The complete mosaic of the German vision is an empire incomparably greater in extent, in riches and in population than any which has yet existed since the world first began to keep its records. Visionnaires are always in a hurry. This stupendous arrangement of the Earth's surface is confidently anticipated to occur within the first half of the present century. It is to be accomplished by a race distinguished for its courage, industry and devotion-let us admit so without grudging.* But in numbers—even if we count the Teutons of the Habsburg Empire along with those of the Hohenzollern—it amounts upon the highest computation, to less than eighty millions. This is the grain of mustard-seed which is confidently believed to have in it 'the property to get up and spread,' until within little more than a generation, it will dominate and control more than seven hundred millions of human souls.[ * Like Cramb, Oliver does not distinguish sufficiently between the German people (whose good qualities appeal to him) and the clique which goads the people in the direction of these ultra-ambitious plans.]<br /><br />"Nor to German eyes, which dwell lovingly, and apparently without misgiving, upon this appalling prospect of symmetry and vastness, are these the sum total of its attractions. The achievement of their vision would bring peace to mankind. For there would then be but two empires remaining, which need give the overlords of the world the smallest concern. Of these Russia in their opinion needs a century at least in which to emerge out of primitive barbarism and become a serious danger; while in less than a century, the United States must inevitably crumble to nonentity, through the worship of false gods and the corruption of a decadent democracy. Neither of these two empires could ever hope to challenge the German Mastery of the World.<br /><br />"In South America as in North, there is already a German garrison, possessing great wealth and influence. And in the South, at any rate, it may well become, very speedily, an imperative obligation on the Fatherland to secure for its exiled children more settled conditions under which to extend the advantages of German commerce and kultur. President Monroe has already been dead a hundred years or more According to the calculations of the pedantocracy,* his famous doctrine will need some stronger backing than the moral disapprobation of a hundred millions of materially-minded and unwarlike people, in order to withstand the pressure of German diplomacy, if it should summon war-ships and transports to its aid."[ *Oliver's designation for the Prusso-Teutonic theoreticians.]<br /><br />Note that this resume' of German conceptions dates from 1915, and is based on observations made in 1912-1913—an epoch, therefore, in which the "Nazi menace" which today seems alone to be indicted, did not yet exist. This is the epoch in which one of the most famous scientists of Germany, Professor Ernst Haeckel, had formulated the German war aims in a series of 8 points (which would be interesting to compare with the 8 points of Roosevelt and Churchill). These evidently represented only the "immediate aims" in the grandiose whole of the Teutonic conception:<br /><br />(1) Smashing of English tyranny.<br /><br />(2) Invasion of Great Britain and occupation of London.<br /><br />(3) Partition of Belgium. The section from west of Ostend to Antwerp to become a State in the German Empire; the northern section to go to Holland. Luxembourg to receive the southeast section, and thus expanded, would henceforth be a united German State.<br /><br />(4) Certain English colonies and the Congo Free State to Germany.<br /><br />(5) France to cede its northeast Departments to Germany.<br /><br />(6) Russia to be neutralized by the reconstitution of the<br /> Polish kingdom under Austrian influence.<br /><br />(7) The German Baltic provinces to be restored to the Ger-man Empire.<br /><br />(8) Finland, united with Sweden, to become an independent kingdom.<br /><br /><br />It was the epoch of William II, and many people had the illusion that he alone was responsible for the "German menace." Some blamed the world unrest created by Germany simply on his contradictory temperament, which was responsible for his alternate pacific declarations and "sword-rattling" harangues.<br /><br />In reality he was a figurehead who, at times, was even something of an encumbrance to the Prusso-Teutonic forces—who alone counted in the control of German affairs; for in these outbursts, which he did not very well know how to control, he revealed all too readily the policies and plans which should have been kept secret. But this was of little importance since the Prusso-Teutonic plans were pursued unwaveringly, regardless of which man was used as a front. This man alone would appear to the outside world.<br /><br />Obviously Bismarck, who was a man of high qualities, rendered much more service to the Prusso-Teutonic cause than did that clown-supreme, William II. But it was not the latter alone who was responsible for the war of 1914. And if, abroad, he was considered solely to blame for this war and, in his own country, for the defeat which followed, this was fully to the advantage of the Prusso-Teutonic circles. The latter thus escaped blame from two sources-which would have been a devastating blow for them had they acted directly and openly.<br /><br />Under the Cloak<br /><br />Because of the great variety in the apparent aims pursued by the Prusso-Teutonic group over a period of centuries, the observer of German affairs has often been mistaken on the subject of the group's actual intentions. Thus the Prussians are at first allied with Austria-then they attack her so as to eliminate her from the Empire. Before 1870 they keep in the good graces of France—then at the first opportunity they invade her. They speak of a "Teutonic solidarity" with England-and then call her their greatest enemy. They envisage a reconstituted Poland in order to make Russia powerlessand later conclude a temporary alliance with Russia permitting the occupation of Poland.<br /><br />Sometimes the men who speak in the name of Prusso-Teutonic Germany are replaced by others and the change in aims is explained by the personal preferences of these men. The world is thus reassured, made to believe that Germany is abandoning her ancient plans due to the influence of new leaders. But even where a leader keeps his place, although the avowed aims have changed, the world is time and again taken in by the illusion that Germany is finally limiting her aims, and that she is no longer to be considered as dangerous as people imagined her. This was the reasoning during the period of calm between 1870 and 1914 (which calm, as we have seen, was necessary for Prussia to strengthen her dominion over Germany); in the years which followed the 1918 armistice; and most recently in the time between any two changes in Hitler's tactics.<br /><br />Sometimes these varied aims, these alleged "oscillations" as to the ends pursued in German politics, were simply tactical and designed to veil the real intentions of Germany. She would thus be in a much better position to make preparations in the direction she actually intended to take. But many of the changes in direction have been sincere.<br /><br />Frequently these periodical shifts in the "German menace" may be explained by the absolute empiricism of the Prusso-Teutonic methods. It makes no difference what the immediate objective is so long as the final goal remains the same. If the matter of primary importance for Berlin had been the conquest of France, Austria, Poland, Russia or England-her behavior, alternately friendly and threatening to each of these countries, may appear illogical. But the conquest of any of these countries may be considered only as one of the possible first steps toward the only real goal which interests her: world dominion. Thus she can start action anywhere and continue it, guided by opportunity, resistance and degree of failure encountered. The chess player, at the beginning of his game, does not generally know which pieces he wants to win from his opponent first, but he knows his final goal quite well. The empiricism in the choice of her immediate objectives allows Germany better to hide her actual game and even to make interim allies of the countries to which such an alliance is acceptable. In the long run they will surely be devoured, as were the others.<br /><br />In the quarter century between 1914 and 1939, the immediate ends of Germany have changed somewhat, but the basic plan behind her actions has scarcely been altered. The venture Of 1914 had failed by 1918. Was England called the major enemy during the World War-the enemy who was to be wiped out? This is of no importance. Since she proved to be the stronger, Germany would court her friendship over a period of years so that she might be neutralized.<br /><br />To encourage England's confidence in her, Germany would first show a facade of peace, the German Republic. This was the strategy Germany employed. Through it she gained time to re-establish her forces. Then-since the facade had served its purpose and was now a nuisance-she removed it and erected another, more threatening than any of the ancient ones.<br /><br />This facade is Hitler and Nazism—a facade very valuable today to the Prusso-Teutonic forces, but which could be sacrificed over night as the others were, if such sacrifice would be to the advantage of the real leaders of Germany.<br /><br />We shall try in the pages which follow to show the means by which the Prusso-Teutonic forces succeeded in maintaining their position in the years between the two World Wars and how they allowed Hitler to accede to "power," so that he might serve them.<br /><br />pps.84-116<br /></div>==cont==<br />Peace,<br />K<div class="blogger-post-footer"><img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/19710182-114187595217374609?l=boodleboys.blogspot.com' alt='' /></div>RoadsEndhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00979538496929101918noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19710182.post-1141528449579331132006-03-04T19:14:00.000-08:002006-03-08T08:12:20.346-08:00<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/1600/y.teuX.jpg"><img style="margin: 0pt 10px 10px 0pt; float: left; cursor: pointer;" src="http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/3639/1956/400/y.teuX.jpg" alt="" border="0" /></a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><a href="http://boodleboys.blogspot.com/">[1] The Thousand-Year Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</a><br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold; font-style: italic;font-size:130%;" >The Thousand-Year Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask</span><br />Paul Winkler<br />Charles Scribner’s Sons©1943<br />New York<br />381 pps. – First Edition – Out-of-print<br />-----<br /><br /><br />"I know no way of judging the future but by the past."<br /><br />PATRICK HENRY<br />[Speech at the Virginia Assembly, May 1765]<br /><br />--[bookflaps]--<br /><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">This amazing and engrossing book undertakes to show that Nazism should not be regarded as simply the product of some "spontaneous, generation" of Adolf Hitler's evil genius, since Hitler’s ideas had all. been voiced before in Germany, but that there was a common inspiration of these ideas that had its roots deep in German history.<br /><br />Paul Winkler's researches show that these roots go back a millennium. The book takes its title from the words of a deputy in the Bavarian Landtag who, in 1921, when Hitler was still a nonentity, announced in the Parliament that the sheaf of documents he held in his hand was evidence of a conspiracy going back a thousand years, a conspiracy he intended to expose. A few days afterwards, before his scheduled speech could be delivered, he was assassinated, apparently by the very influences he was determined to unmask. His murderers went unpunished; his evidence was never revealed. The secret forces continued along their hidden way, and eighteen years later embarked openly on world conquest.<br /><br />The researches on which this book is based undoubtedly include the murdered deputy's evidence, with much more of even greater importance. From Paul Winkler's studies emerge the contours of a conspiracy, very old but very real—a conspiracy whose existence, though fantastic at first thought, is the only 'possible explanation of the present-day facts of Nazism. It is the secret Germany of the "Prusso-Teutonics", whose roots reach back beyond the days of the Crusades. This secret Germany has been obscured for long periods of European history, but it has lived on continuously for centuries, always rising to dominance again and consistently driving its people along paths completely divergent from those taken by the other peoples of Western Civilization.<br /><br />Shedding new light on European history as it does, this is a book of the very broadest significance. Its message must be grasped if we are to shape the future.<br /><br />About the Author<br /><br />The first ambition of Paul Winkler, a European journalist who came to this country in 1940, was to become a biologist. World War I put an end to that for he realized that the period which followed it would be one of unrest and he preferred writing and journalism to scientific isolation. The chief reason for his preference was a desire to spread an understanding of vital problems throughout a wide public. Soon after the war he founded a newspaper feature syndicate which fifteen years later had grown to be Europe's largest. He was also the second largest magazine publisher in France and he continued always to write widely on the subjects which interested him. His<br />acquaintance with European statesmen was extensive and he acted as Eduoard Herrioes adviser in press matters. When Germany turned Nazi in 1933, Paul Winkler was not one of the many who believed Hitler's Stormtroopers were an entirely new phenomenon. He had been interested in Germany ever since the last war and had spent several months in the Ruhr with the French army of occupation. Hitler he remembered from his early days in Munich where he was a correspondent for a time. He made several visits to Austria and watched the first systematic steps toward Anschluss. In the ante-chambers of the League of Nations and during its sessions he watched the Machiavellian maneuvers of the German delegates. In 1935 he covered the Saar plebiscite. And the more he saw of the present developments in Germany the more convinced Paul Winkler became that the explanation of Hitler and the Nazis lay far behind the Versailles Treaty. He turned to historical research and spent several years working at the Sorbonne, of which he is a graduate, at the Bibliothique Nationale and at the British Museum. His book was nearly completed when the Germans invaded France and he was forced to destroy first, his notes, and then his entire manuscript. After Mr. Winkler came to this country, he at once began anew on "The Thousand Year Conspiracy: Secret Germany Behind the Mask". He is now head of the Press Alliance, a newspaper syndicate very much like the one he had in France.<br /><br />-----<br /><br /><br />Foreword<br /><br />This book attempts to contribute to the work of identification of the forces behind Nazism. It results from research undertaken to substantiate this hypothesis: that Nazism is not the product of some "spontaneous generation" crystallized by Hitler's evil genius; and that it is not-as it has often been described-simply a reaction to the harsh terms of the Versailles treaty; finally, that Nazism does not derive from some basic trait of the German character.<br /><br />Chapter I is introductory: It presents a few characteristic quotations from German writers of the past one hundred and fifty years. These passages, all written by members of what may be called the Prussian School, are evidence that Mein Kampf is merely a rehash of ideas frequently expressed before Hitler voiced them. But what was the common inspiration of these earlier authors? In seeking an answer to this question, we first perceive the contours of the conspiracy—very old but very real. Its existence-fantastic, at first thought -remains the only possible explanation of the facts.<br /><br />Chapters II-VII are an attempt to retrace this centuriesold conspiracy, the actual subject of this book. Chapters II and III examine in particular the hidden forces responsible for the rise of Prussia and the Germany of Bismarck and Wilhelm II. Chapter IV introduces the "Fehme," the blood tribunal of the Middle Ages, into the picture. Chapters V, VI and VII show that Hitler's rise to power would have been impossible had not Hitler placed himself and his movement at the service of the Prusso-Teutonic forces.<br /><br />In Chapters VIII, IX and X, the effort is made to search out behind the specific subject-the "actual conspiracy"—its fundamental basis. Whatever may have appeared earlier to be a fortuitous development now takes its proper place within an evolution which derives from basic, organic causes. In these chapters we seek the reasons why the Prusso-Teutonic forces have pursued paths completely divergent from those taken by the other peoples of Western civilization. Here we face the "forces behind the forces."<br /><br />ix-x<br />=====<br /><br /><br />CHAPTER I<br /><br />THE CONSPIRACY AND<br />ITS MIRROR<br /><br />IN 1921Nazism was still in its infancy and rather harmless. During one of the sessions of the Bavarian "Landtag" (Parliament), the Deputy Gareis, with a heavy pile of documents in his hands, made a statement to the other Deputies which none of them seemed able to understand: "I have here the evidence of a thousand years' conspiracy-evidence which I shall present to you shortly."<br /><br />A few days later Gareis was murdered. The criminal escaped punishment and the incident was practically forgotten. The evidence to which Gareis had referred was never revealed.<br /><br />It was eighteen years after this, in 1939, that German military might began its goose-stepping march across the borders of Poland, Norway, Holland, Belgium, France, Yugoslavia, Greece. Today it is bent upon world conquest.<br /><br />The forces which launched Germany on the path of conquest are those which were behind the murder of the obscure Bavarian Deputy. Those responsible for the conspiracy which Gareis mentioned decided-when he sought to unmask them -to destroy him. It was these men-all members of the same conspiratorial group-who, some eighteen years later, decided that the time was ripe to place world mastery in German hands.<br /><br />Hitler and Nazism had very little to do with this conspiracy, although they occupy the present spotlight. This is not to suggest that Hitler and his party have not been important factors in all the decisive actions for which—during the last nine years -Germany has been responsible. But these men are only tools in the hands of much more powerful forces. We shall have a great deal to say later about these forces-the "PrussoTeutonic" groups and organizations.<br /><br />If we want to win this war we must see our enemy clearly -and we cannot cure a sick world unless we understand the true nature of the disease. To destroy the evil we must first identify it. And this will be of equal importance even when the war is over and our problem is to win the peace.<br /><br />The Forerunners of "Mein Kampf"<br /><br />We intend to start this identification with the forerunners of Mein Kampf. We cannot expect to locate the roots of the evil in the literary field. But literature is a good mirror of much deeper currents.* [* All quotations in this chapter from German and French authors are my own translations. Italics are liberally used for the sake of emphasis. All italics are mine. P.W.]<br /><br />The writings of Treitschke and von Bernhardi and of the other authors of the Pan Germanic school were widely discussed in the United States and England before and during the last World War. Their connection, however, with the whole evolution of the Prussian idea-from the thirteenth century up to Nazism-has in general not been sufficiently emphasized.<br /><br />Mein Kampf is a significant work from many points of view, but this work and its author, Hitler, are not the source of all evil in present-day Germany. In 1913, more than ten years before the publication of this work, General von Bernhardi, who had enormous influence on the army and the younger generation of Germany, stated in his book, Our Future: "For us there are two alternatives and no thirdworld dominion or ruin."<br /><br />Surplus Population as a Springboard<br /><br />In Germany and the Next War, published in 1912, General von Bernhardi had this to say:<br /><br />"Strong, healthy and flourishing nations constantly increase the number of their population; consequently they will be faced, after a given moment, with the necessity of extending their borders, of acquiring new land, in order to settle the overflowing population. However, since the Earth is almost completely settled by this time, acquisition of new land can be gained only at the expense of its present occupants-that is through conquest-which becomes a law of necessity.<br /><br />"The right of conquest is universally recognized. At first this can be effected through peaceful means; overpopulated countries pour out streams of emigrants into other lands and territories. These emigrants, while submitting to the laws of the new land, try to create favorable living conditions for themselves to the detriment of the original inhabitants and in competition with them. This means conquest.<br /><br />"Finally, the right to conquer through war has always been recognized. When an increasing population cannot acquire colonial lands from their primitive and uncivilized occupants, and if it is nevertheless desirable to retain for the State the surplus population which can no longer be supported, there is only one thing left to do-self-preservation will force this nation to war and to the conquest of foreign lands. Right no longer belongs to the possessor, but rather to those who are victorious in war. . . .<br /><br />". . . In such cases, right belongs to those who have strength either to maintain or to conquer. Might is the highest law. Before its tribunal war is the gauge of strength-war whose decisions are always biologically just since they evolve from the very essence of all things. . . . Even from the point of view of Christianity, one would come to the same conclusion. True Christian morality is of course based on the creed of love: 'Love God above all, and thy neighbor as thyself.' This law, however, can claim no validity insofar as relations between nations are concerned, since, when applied to politics, it would surely lead to a conflict of allegiances. For an individual to profess love for another country would in most cases result in a negating of love for the people of his own country. A political system based on such foundations would surely be subject to the worst aberrations. Christian morality is personal and social, and can never become a political reality. It strives to develop the ethical personality, and to give it strength, so that this personality can live altruistically, in the interests of a community."<br /><br />The cynical frankness of von Bernhardi is as great as Hitler's cynicism. Both resort to hypocrisy when their deductions are too unpalatable for their public. Both consider their special moral conception above discussion and consequently do not discuss it.<br /><br />It is evident from the General's text that he looks upon emigration of surplus population only as a provisional remedy and that his solution consists of perpetual conquest. He prefers conquest, which "preserves" the surplus population "for the State"—and when he speaks of "State" he is thinking, of course, of the German State. He does not explain what natural law makes it necessary to preserve this surplus population for the State, nor why it cannot be peaceably integrated with the populations of other nations if there is no room left in the homeland. That "you wish to preserve them for the State" is a premise which needs no justification for this preacher of Germanism and Prussianism. "The very essence of the State is power," further declares von Bernhardi and, quoting Treitschke, that other great theoretician of German power, adds: "anyone not sufficiently virile to face this truth squarely has no right to meddle with politics."<br /><br />Not for a moment does von Bernhardi consider limiting the populations of nations reproducing too rapidly. On the contrary, his point of departure is that "strong, healthy, flourishing nations increase their numbers."<br /><br />In this, the conclusion is implicit: the German people, obviously strong, healthy and flourishing, will always have excess population, and consequently will ceaselessly have to annex territory until they dominate the world. "World dominion or ruin," the final tragic alternative of von Bernhardi's, implies, of course, that if Germany does not succeed in dominating the world, another country will perform this task, which awaits the strongest; and in that case the Germans will go to their ruin. Facing this choice, which he believes inevitable, his decision is made.* [*Note at this point what von Bernhardi considered to be the first step toward world dominion: "In one way or another we must settle with France in order that we can gain that military freedom of action so necessary to our world politics. This is the first and most necessary demand for healthy German politics, and since the traditional French hatred for us can never be overcome through peaceful means, we must conquer it by sheer force of arms. France must be so thoroughly beaten that she will never be able to Stand in our way."]<br /><br />War as a Necessity<br /><br />Von Bernhardi's "indispensable" conquest can be accomplished only by war and the General believed that war should be not a defensive but an offensive operation-or rather, outright aggression. He cites the Prussian example as proof of this:<br /><br />"Indeed, the foundation for Prussia's strength was established by the Great Elector ** through successful wars of his own choice. Frederick the Great continued in the glorious tradition of his noble ancestor. . . . Of all the wars through which he led his people not one was forced upon him; he never tried to delay the start of any of these wars. In order to deprive his foe of the advantage of the first movement he would take the initiative by attacking so that he could assure himself the best chance of success. How successful he was is well known. Had he lacked this heroic decisiveness, the entire historical development of European nations, and of mankind, would have taken a different turn." [** Friedrich Wilhelm (1640-88).]<br /><br />Given such a state of mind the conclusions of present-day pacifists-to the effect that "War doesn't pay," or "If the Treaty of Versailles had not been so harsh, this war would never have broken out"—prove singularly impotent.<br /><br />But General von Bernhardi did not invent anything himself. He only reduced to a formula a mode of thought cherished by a series of German predecessors. A century earlier Dietrich von Buclow (1757-1807), in Modern Methods of War, using a style cleverly veiling, by technical military terms, purposes none may doubt, said: "If the amount of military resources must sooner or later decide victory, it is obvious that little nations cannot succeed against the big ones, better equipped with war materials. In ancient times courage and discipline compensated for the inequalities of mass power among nations. . . . Today, however, all moral strength, all individual military talent of the small in number necessarily fails against the great. It is necessary, of course, to make good use of your own superiority of numbers in accordance with modern methods of war, but it remains certain that in modem battle the weak have never conquered the strong unless the latter have made some mistake. Besides, these modern methods of war have been developed only very recently. We shall know better how to benefit from all these advantages in the future.<br /><br />"Great empires are not only wealthier. Their natural frontiers are more extensive than those of small, neighboring states. It happens frequently that a smaller state is completely enclosed within the borders of the larger one. . . . What a double advantage for the latter!<br /><br />"I refer here only to small adjoining states, for in the nature of things, it is first necessary to attack one's neighbor before coming to more distant States. If this rule is not observed countries separating two main adversaries may declare them-selves either with or against the great empire. Should they declare themselves against this power everything is changed, since a coalition of little States is equivalent to one big State. Even in such a case, however, the concentration of power and coercive means in the hands of a single political body may still give the great power a military advantage over any federa-tion of independent States."<br /><br />Despite the reservations stated in these last lines, if leaders of all the little States successively engulfed by Hitler had taken the trouble to reread these words in time they might perhaps have been able to decide upon a common course of action instead of maintaining an illusory neutrality until their fall.<br /><br />To get people to accept the idea of "perpetual war" (indispensable for the achievement of perpetual conquest), philosophical, or at least biological, arguments are needed. German science finds them, and demonstrates that the state of war is but a process of natural selection, permitting the human race to improve itself. Thus von Bernhardi states: "Without war, inferior or degenerate races could easily pollute and weaken all healthy, vital elements by their weedlike growth, and a general decline would be the result. 'War,' says A. W. von Schlegel, 'is as necessary as the struggle of elements in nature.’”<br /><br />Heinrich von Treitschke (1834-1896), like von Bernhardi, had great influence on the thinking of the generations of Germans immediately preceding Nazism.<br /><br />Treitschke is a conspicuous example of what is known as "Prussianism." We shall see later what significance the formation of "Prussianism" had in the evolution of German thought. Specifically we shall see that "Prussianism" is much less an ethnic reality than a special state of mind, a crystallization of thought that has* developed over the course of centuries through some remarkable process. Close examination of Prussianism will permit us to see more clearly into numerous details of the German problem.<br /><br />Treitschke, this typical Prussian, was not legitimately a Prussian at all. Son of a Saxon general, descended on his father's side from a recently Germanized Czech family (a fact he was reluctant to admit), Treitschke was powerfully attracted to the Prussian way of thinking. This Prussian by vocation deemed that only Prussia possessed the necessary strength to dominate all the other German States and lead Germany toward the conquests he so ardently desired.<br /><br />Concerning the concept of war and its role in the existence of nations, Treitschke preached thus to future generations:<br /><br />"War is not only a practical necessity, but is also a theoretical necessity, an exigency of logic. The concept of a State implies the concept of war, since the essence of a State is power. The State is the people organized into a sovereign power. . . .<br /><br />"A State which renounces war and which in advance submits to an international tribunal gives up this sovereign power, that is, its very self. Whoever dreams of permanent peace asks for something not only unachievable but absurd; he commits an error of elementary reasoning. . . .<br /><br />"War, it is true, may alienate nations from one another and yet, to a certain extent, it brings them closer together, by making them acquainted with their own and their neighbors' resources. War as an intermediary among nations is often more effective than universal trade. A nation which clings to the visionary hope of everlasting peace will inevitably end in decay within its haughty isolation. History builds and destroys tirelessly; never weary, she exhumes humanity's divine treasures from the ruins of ancient worlds in order to restore them to a new world. To whoever may believe in this perpetual growth, in the eternal youth of our race, it is quite evident that war is an inevitable necessity.<br /><br />"That war should be forever banished from the earth is not only an absurd hope but profoundly immoral. If it were ever realized, we should witness atrophy of many essential, sublime forces in the human soul, and transformation of the terrestrial sphere into a vast temple of selfishness . . .<br /><br />"On the other hand, the State has the right to consider itself an end, since it contains the essential conditions for prosperous social life . . .<br /><br />"Every people, and particularly one of high cultural development, runs the risk, during a long period of peace, of degenerating into egotism. Such a race should consider a great and righteous war which fate may send them as a favor, but the more the comfortable habits of social existence have crept into their spirit, the rougher the counter-blow may seem.<br /><br />"I have said 'fate may send them a war,' because the reason the value of this cruel remedy is so rarely appreciated is that no doctor among mankind dares prescribe war as a beneficial potion for a sick people.<br /><br />"As soon as a nation hears the echo of this cry of alarm: 'The State is in peril-our existence is threatened!' then awakens the highest virtue, courage of sacrifice which may never be so freely or widely displayed in times of peace. . . .<br /><br />"Among the thousands of men engaging in battle, blindly obeying the will of 'All,' each is aware how little his life is worth compared to the glory of the State; each feels himself hemmed in by profound forces which dominate him. From this, in every important war, will spring deep religious feelings, and the sublime spectacle, incomprehensible to pure reason, of enemy armies, praying to the same God for victory.<br /><br />"The grandeur of war is to be found in these acts considered shocking by a debilitated civilization.<br /><br />"Men who have never done each other any harm, who accord one another the high esteem one owes his chivalrous enemies, kill each other. They sacrifice in this line of duty not only their lives, but what is infinitely more painful, natural sentiment, the instinctive love for humanity, and horror of blood. The insignificant self, with all its noble and base instincts, must sink into the will of the 'All.'<br /><br />"I ask of whoever may find this barbaric: why, then, has no great beneficial idea of political or religious freedom ever been accepted by men without christening by blood? And why has war been, in every age, the favorite theme of the arts?"<br /><br />The cynicism of Treitschke's reasoning is remarkable: war, in itself, is a blessing, but it would be dangerous to confess it to the people (". . . the reason the value of this remedy is so rarely appreciated is that no doctor among mankind dares to prescribe war as a beneficial potion for a sick people"). Instead of such a frank admission the cry of alarm is sounded: "The State is in peril—our existence is threatened," and people rush into war with enthusiasm.<br /><br />It would be an illusion to believe that Treitschke speaks in the abstract, or that his purpose is to develop theories to benefit humanity. Reasoning in this manner, he hopes to benefit only his own people ("our race," as he has already expressed it), whose fate alone concerns him: "To whoever may believe in this perpetual growth, in the eternal youth of our race, it is quite evident that war is an inevitable necessity." This was written in 1869.<br /><br />The opinions of Treitschke and von Bernhardi are not isolated phenomena, but derive from distant sources. And if we admit that Mein Kampf merely outlines clearly the objectives of a certain Germany, without adding anything really new, it is interesting to note that Hitler's spiritual ancestors were in turn descended from a long line of thinkers of similar leanings.<br /><br />It was a mistake on the part of the Western world not to attach in time sufficient importance to this type of thoughtwhich was in violent contradiction to the basic ideas of Western civilization. Doubtless people were lulled by the illusion that such thinking represented purely theoretical fantasies of<br /><br />a few German scholars. They were not able to see that actually such thoughts were extremely significant manifestations of a state of mind having its roots in the distant past; and that these manifestations might in turn result in a very particular and very dangerous way of thinking in future German generations.<br /><br />Later we shall discuss the early, fundamental causes of German aggressiveness. For the moment let us review briefly more recent spiritual ancestors of Hitler, contemporaries and predccessors of Treitschke and von Bernhardi.<br /><br />Starvation as a Springboard<br /><br />Friedrich List (1789-1864), along with several minor economists active around 1840, was responsible for formulating the principal theories on which present-day German economic conquest is based.<br /><br />After emigrating to Pennsylvania and becoming an American citizen, List was concerned only with Germany's greatness. He returned to Germany in 1840 to publish there his principal work, in which he outlined the basis for his National System of Political Economy. Violently opposed to the principle of free trade because it gives the same advantages to weak as to strong nations, he would welcome its use without reservation within the continent of Europe, once the continent were dominated by Berlin; and he had high hopes that this would be achieved as soon as possible. So far as his own age was concerned, however, he was an extreme protectionist and advocated development of new industry in Germany-through high protective tariffs raised against competition of foreign countries. He took into full account the risk of losing Germany's foreign markets, since protectionism always provokes reprisals. His remedy is simple: stimulate tremendous expansion of Germany, including conquest of Europe, acquisition of colonies in Australia, New Zealand, India and the Americas. Then Germany would no longer have to fear that she might lack foreign markets in a protectionist world.<br /><br />According to List a nation must conquer all countries lying in its sphere of economic action-by degrees, but steadily; and this sphere of action is defined as every territory which may serve as outlet, or which contains raw materials the nation may need. In the long run this becomes perpetual conquest, for eventually every foreign country, however distant, represents a potential export market, or is a producer of useful raw materials. In the ideas of List, we find the economic basis for General von Bernhardi's thesis: "For us there are two alternatives 'and no third-world dominion or ruin." And here too is to be found the complete outline of Germany's recent and present economic attitude-the old thesis, slightly improved upon by Dr. Schacht.<br /><br />The process is simple. Schacht's Germany settled into a system of the most absolute protectionism, the system so dear to List. This was accomplished through methods more modem and effective than tariffs. Germany was the first country, after the World War, to return to exchange control, adopting it not because of any financial need, but deliberately, in order to create a system of total protectionism. The old-fashioned protectionist use of high tariffs to discourage imports becomes outdated. Imports are now made practically impossible: the State releases no currency to private business to cover cost of imports purchased abroad, with the single exception of certain raw materials or tools considered by the State to be absolutely indispensable. As in all systems of protectionism, the population of the country whose production is thus "protected" must suffer: and their suffering becomes more acute the more the system is improved. Soon the world is accused of starving the German people, and of withholding raw materials necessary to German industries. (No mention is made of the fact that these materials had been available to Germany in a world of free exchange-the system she was the first to deviate from and that her importers, on a free monetary market, could have obtained the necessary funds to pay for any quantity of raw materials.) Germany is pictured as "deprived of her place in the sun." Thus a favorable psychological atmosphere is created within the country and abroad as well, to prepare for world conquest "by degrees, yet steadily," as outlined by List. The achievement of List's plan for the future is considerably advanced by the repetition of the specious statement to the German people: "Poor Germany must starve unless she succeeds in dominating the other nations."<br /><br />List bolsters the self-confidence of his compatriots by asserting that a specific determinism demands supremacy of the German race. According to him, the Latin races, under French influence, and the Slavic nations led by Russia, have not the power for domination. Germanic races, among which he included Anglo-Saxons and Germans, possess this power to the greatest extent. Of the two, his choice is simple: Germany must supplant England; build a powerful fleet, extend her colonizing to all corners of the world; and finally unite all other Europeans against English supremacy, so that she can direct the destiny of the world.<br /><br />Charles Andler, a French author, summed up certain ideas of List in his work, The Origins of Pan-Germanism, published in 1915: * [* Charles Andler, Les origines du Pan-Germanisme, Paris, 1915]<br /><br />"It is necessary to organize continental Europe against England. Napoleon I, a great strategist, also knew the methods of economic hegemony. His continental system, which met with opposition even from countries which might have profited from such an arrangement, should be revived, but, this time, not as an instrument of Napoleonic domination. The idea of uniting Europe in a closed trade bloc is no longer shocking if Germany assumes domination over such a bloc-and not France. Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, willingly or by force, will enter this 'Customs Federation.' Austria is assumed to be won over at the outset. Even France, if she gets rid of her notions of military conquest, will not be excluded. The first steps the Confederation would take to assure unity of thought and action would be to establish a joint representative body, as well as to organize a common fleet. But of course, both the headquarters of the Federation and its parliamentary seat would be in Germany.<br /><br />"At once the sharing of common commercial advantages would begin. List proposes something like a cooperative league of nations, in which all profits would be distributed in proportion to investments. European vitality, intelligence and order would put the Far East to good use. Oriental ports would become 'Free cities' where European agents would deal with native authorities in the capacity of advisors duly accredited and diplomatically protected. Austria would extend its borders to the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. A German navy would be built up. Prussian colonies would be established in Australia and New Zealand, where England has firmly planted her flag but has failed to exploit resources. How could England resist all the navies and the concentrated economic power of a united Central Europe?<br /><br />"Since Germany possesses a greater stock of vital energy and superior economic ability to that of any other nation one may guess which nation would be likely to benefit most from this association,—an association which was to be based on the principle of equal privilege for all members."<br /><br />Various firsthand reports have given us a fairly accurate picture of the manner in which Nazi Germany is applying the principle of "economic collaboration" to the "occupied" countries, and how, through her agents, she has seized control of all the great industries of France, Belgium and Holland. We have also seen how she has allowed the whole of her economic policy to be dictated by Dr. Schacht. All this indicates clearly that Hitler is merely applying the century-old theories of List in the economic sphere.<br /><br />The Origin of the "Lebensraum" Theory<br /><br />Ernst-Moritz Arndt (1769-1860) as early as 1803, in his work Germania and Europe, expressed political ideas based on the "right of the strongest," highly significant for the future. He believed that each nation owed it to itself to take advantage of every opportunity for imposing its will. Nations which allow such an opportunity to slip by deserve spoliation by their neighbors. "A State," says Arndt, "must first have a stable foundation, geographically speaking, and develop further according to rules of chance, and by virtue of its own character. The only restrictions laid down for the State are those of climate and surrounding territories. Yes, each State has the right to make strong representations to its neighbors, should the latter unjustly seize air and light necessary to its growth and development."<br /><br />Arndt expresses himself "euphemistically" about a point of view which might appear too brutally direct to a section of the public. Hitler, who commits the gravest injustices in the name of "justice" and "equality of rights," has drawn excellent inspiration from Arndt's methods. His "Lebensraum" is a mask for the simple will-to-conquer, as was Arndt's "right (for each State) to make strong representations to its neighbors should the latter unjustly seize air and light necessary to its growth and development." It is evident too that in speaking of 44 each State" Arndt had Germany, and particularly Prussia, in mind.<br /><br />We shall see what a great influence the Teutonic Knights of the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries had on the evolution of the Germany we know. It is natural for a man who thinks like Arndt to say that because Poland did not manage to put to rout or destroy the Teutonic Knights, she no longer had the right to exist. This is the theory that "since you once were weak enough to grant your enemy his life, you must permit him to kill you now."<br /><br />"Poland did not realize," Arndt says, "that her duty as a nation was first of all to defend her coast line and drive the Teutonic Knights away from it.<br /><br />"This negligence spelled death for Poland.<br /><br />"When in the eighteenth century Prussia and Russia seized Poland's entire maritime domain, it meant that Poland no longer existed. With no outlet to the sea, surrounded by powerful neighbors and having no implements of higher culture, nor any natural frontiers for defense, it was impossible for her ever to become anything. Sooner or later she must disappear . . .<br /><br />"According to our conception of things, small nations must disappear because geographically they rarely possess the means for subsistence.<br /><br />"The natural frontiers of Poland were assaulted by Prussia, Courland and Livonia; and this injury was certainly the main cause of Poland's final political death."<br /><br />And Arndt adds:<br /><br />"Today Holland constitutes the most glaring violation of Germany's natural frontier."* [* The following words, no less significant, are quoted from another work of Arndt, Spirit of the Times (Geist der Zeit): ". . . Let us declare a sweeping, merciless war against France so that our mighty efforts may carry us beyond the Rhine. And let us not return our swords to their sheaths until all German speaking peoples, those of Alsace, Lorraine, Luxembourg and Flanders, have been emancipated and restored to the German Empire. Here is the task and the goal. And if we should fail to liberate them, if in spite of all our efforts we should not realize this goal we may as well not undertake anything else, for in vain will God have offered his treasures to the Germans, only to take them back because we are too lazy to enjoy them."]<br /><br />Defense Will Not Win a War<br /><br />It is not only the political and economic ideas of "New" Germany which were expressed much earlier. In the realm of military tactics also, all the German principles now described as "new" were discussed in detail over thirty years ago by General von Bernhardi. Dietrich von Buelow, of whom we have already spoken (and who died in 1807) had this to say in his Spirit of Modern Warfare:<br /><br />"We must fight only offensive wars. In a defensive war all positions and all parallel marches are useless: they will never suffice as a wall against the enemy, as we shall soon clearly realize. Regardless of how strong or well protected or how well chosen any position may be which you defend against frontal attack, you will be expelled from it by the enemy. He will quickly achieve this result by attacks on your flank, especially if his forces are greater.<br /><br />"I must boldly assert-although this principle may be new -that defensive wars should never be waged: as soon as possible the role of aggressor should be assumed, and operations conducted against the enemy's flank and rear."<br /><br />Von Buelow also clearly formulated the ideas underlying the penetration-now a sad reality-by the Fifth Column into democratic countries, including creation of "economic allies" in enemy countries in the persons of a few great industrialists to whom economic advantages are promised. This system gave Germany excellent results in the conquest of France, and before America's entry into the war she tried to employ similar methods in the United States as well. In the writings of von Buelow are anticipated all the advantages which Germany's masters later gained in several countries by carrying on a campaign of corruption of the enemy at home.<br /><br />"Insofar as everything has its price," says von Buelow, "the amount of money available is also a decisive factor. Greed for gain is so irresistible that one may buy materials of war even in enemy countries when they are not available at home . . . to say nothing of the advantage possessed by the wealthier for succeeding in their purposes through bribery and corruption. On this subject Montecuccoli has already said: 'To wage war, three things are necessary. . . . Money, Money, and Money."'<br /><br />The "Ideal Prussian"<br /><br />In reviewing briefly the theories of a few German writers of the past 150 years, we wished merely to emphasize that ideas generally attributed to Hitler and Nazism originate from much earlier sources. For these very writers (and we might have cited many more at the risk of becoming repetitious) have only formulated principles underlying a curious "cultural trend," generally described as "Prussianism," but never clearly defined. Taken individually, such texts, frequently cited before the World War, were regarded as characteristic fantasies of slight significance, springing from that "Prussian insolence" about which nothing could be done. Related to each other, and related chiefly to the future (which has since become the present) and the past, those texts assume new significance, and we are obliged to attribute equal, if not greater, importance to them than to Mein Kampf.<br /><br />We will frequently deal with the origins and purposes of "Prussianism" in this book. We attribute to this word a meaning much wider and reaching much further back in time than that of most writers-for whom Frederick 11, King of Prussia, is the prototype, if not the actual founder of Prussianism. Frederick 11, while in many ways an extremely interesting personality, and one of the most important forces in the rise of Prussia, was, however, only one of many in a long line of men formed by the Prussian school. Besides, this close friend of Voltaire was much too strongly tinged with humanitarianism to be considered an ideal representative of the school which is fundamentally opposed to humanitarian ideas. That a number of his actions can be explained only by the inspiration he received from the Prussian tradition does not alter this fact.<br /><br />Frederick II was unquestionably a great Prussian, but an imperfect Prussian, much as was Bismarck, that other great Prussian, who has often mistakenly been described as the greatest Prussian statesman of modern times-mistakenly because, even though Bismarck did render tremendous service to the Prussian cause, his attitude did not always please the high priests of Prussianism. Having conquered France, he attempted to live at peace with her. He limited Germanic ambitions in the Balkans. He opposed his own country's tendencies toward colonial expansion. Although many of his acts were in harmony with the purest precepts of the Prussianism of Arndt, List, and von Buelow, Bismarck retained a certain restraint and a trace of respect for Christian ethics—the opposite of Teutonic ethics (as described by several authors quoted). Thus Bismarck cannot be considered an ideal Prussian.<br /><br />This ideal Prussian, this man of "Prussian dreams" (which, in previous centuries, would have been called "Teutonic dreams") does exist, however, and is none other than Hitler. Here one must search for the secret of his success among his compatriots, who, for centuries have been awaiting a kind of Teutonic Messiah, who would ruthlessly achieve an ideal definitely opposed to conceptions of Christian and humanitarian morality.<br /><br />Constantin Frantz, German writer of the nineteenth century, refers in one of his books to a little known work by Bollmann entitled Justification of Machiavellism. He says:<br /><br />"The contents of this book are worthy of its title. What Machiavelli once claimed for Italy is applied here to Germany. The writer considers all small political parties powerless; and he hopes for an armed reformer who, with blood and iron, shall unite Germany, and to whom anything shall be permitted provided he attain the proposed goal. Powerful and of irresistible attraction, this man will know how to accomplish such a task.”<br /><br />Frantz tries hard to apply this prophetic description to Bismarck, but does not Hitler fit this picture much more accurately than Bismarck? Besides, the ideal of a man devoting himself exclusively to the Gennan cause, to whom "anything shall be permitted," is much older than Bollmann's prediction, and even older than the "Prince" of Machiavelli, to whom Bollmann and Frantz credited this figure. This is the "man" of whom Heine spoke (see pages 337-40): "the man whom the German people await, the man who will bring to them the life and happiness they have so long hoped for in their dreams." This is a purely Teutonic conception, as we shall see, at least 700 years old. In the course of centuries it has had numerous ramifications, so that it has become rooted in the spirit and subconscious mind of the German people. Later it was considered a Prussian conception. Small wonder, then, that Hitler in his uncompromising brutal attitude of the "savage ideal" should have evoked such response in the hearts of the Germans.<br /><br />Prussians by Adoption<br /><br />The fact that Hitler is not Prussian by birth does not prevent his being the "ideal Prussian." The most ardent Prussians were not born in Prussia, for Prussianism is first of all a state of mind and a special way of thinking shaped over centuries, and to which men of diverse origins have felt strongly attracted. We have seen that Treitschke, that fervent Prussian, was by birth part Saxon and part Czech. Fichte, who placed his philosophy at the service of Prussianism, also came from Saxony. Hegel, another great philosopher who recognized his "ideal State" in Prussia, was south-German by birth, and Houston Chamberlain, famous theorist of the Prussian school, was of English origin.<br /><br />Hitler's Prussian inclinations were not restricted to the realm of theory. He opened the way to power for himself in 1932 and 1933 when, with the help of von Papen, he concluded an effective alliance with the powerful Prussian forces directing Germany's affairs under various guises. From that time on this agitator, who had until then been taken seriously only in internal German politics, became a veritable world threat.<br /><br />While Nazism, as a truly demagogic movement in its early days in Munich, was making noisy attacks on all existing power, including the power of Berlin, it provided a certain spiritual nourishment to thousands of frustrated German souls, who appreciated such talk. But from the day when Hitler concluded his alliance with the Prussian Junker leaders, Nazism became a front for Prussianism and entered into systematic planning for conquest of world power. From that time on, Nazism became a most threatening reality for all other countries. We must, however, never forget the forces hiding behind this movement, forces which we shall attempt to expose.<br /><br />Prussia Ueber Alles<br /><br />Christianity, and humanitarianism which it inspires, believe in the supremacy of the human personality and the "Rights of Man." All Western ethics are based on this belief. Prussianism, however, admits only the supremacy of the State, to which it demands absolute submission of the individual, at the expense of his liberty, his private interests and his personal well being. General von Bernhardi summarized this idea thus: "There is, as Fichte has taught us, but one virtue, to forget about oneself as a person; and but one vice; to think of oneself. In the final analysis, the State is bearer of all culture, and as such she has the right to claim for herself the individual strength of her citizens."<br /><br />According to the Prussian theory, the State itself is nothing but power, and the individual must do everything to contribute toward the infinite increase of this power. No attempt is made to define the State, nor to explain why it has the right to this absolute submission of its citizens. The theory is offered as a sort of dogma, belief in which forms the very essence of Prussian welfare.<br /><br />States are forged by the fire and blood of wars of conquest. Great and powerful countries gain possession of the weak, and these weak countries can only disappear. War, consequently, is not only inevitable, but forms the very basis of the State's ethics. For specialists in Prussian theology the validity of reasons for which wars are waged does not matter. They readily admit that wars waged by Prussian kings may have had no legal bases. What matters is that these wars contributed to territorial gains and increased Prussian power. Christian morality, fundamental to legal concept, may be tolerated for private relationships, and for maintaining social equilibrium, but as for the State itself, the latter determines its own ethical laws.<br /><br />Under the cloak of this "ethics of the State," everything which according to traditional moral conceptions would be severely condemned, is excusable and even laudable if it is done in the interests of the State: broken pledges, alliances and friendships negated, treaties disregarded, and whatever is considered a "lie" by ordinary human beings. The entire technique later applied by Hitler, which is ably analyzed by Francis Hackett and by Raoul de Roussy de Sales in their works based on Mein Kampf and Hitler's speeches, had already been outlined by this school of thought.<br /><br />The evidence offered by authors of the Prussian school to support their contention that Prussia, more than any other country, merits such an impressive future is extremely vague. Often the evidence is of a cultural nature; they attempt to demonstrate that Prussia (or "Germany," understood as a Ger-many dominated by Prussia) could contribute much more to world civilization than any other country. But most often, instead of proof, a sort of "realistic philosophy" is suggested as sufficient: Prussia has known how to extend her domain through victorious wars at the expense of other nations; therefore she seems to have been chosen by Providence to con-tinue in this direction. And since, in the final reckoning, a single State is destined to dominate all the others, these German thinkers (expressing an entirely personal point of view, and vouchsafing no explanation) conclude that it may just as well be a German state which assumes this role. But, they say, Prussia alone has shown throughout history that she has the strength or, if one prefers, the ruthlessness to bend other German people to her will.<br /><br />"Let us, then, rally round her flag," say Fichte, Treitschke and all the other super-Prussians born in different parts of Germany. ("Let us ally ourselves with her," says Hitler.) "Let us," they agree, "help her seize power in Germany, and this Prussianized Germany will one day succeed in conquering the world."<br /><br />pps. 3 -25<br />=====<br />CHAPTER II<br />THE CAVALCADE OF THE TEUTO